Thursday, January 27, 2011

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Posted: 27 Jan 2011 05:28 PM PST
FIGURE. Amulet with leaded beads (indicated by arrows) made in Cambodia similar to the one worn by a lead-poisoned child --- New York City, 2009.
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (USA)

Weekly
January 28, 2011 / 60(03);69-71

Lead poisoning in children is a preventable public health problem that can adversely affect the developing nervous system and result in learning and behavior problems. The most common source of exposure for lead-poisoned children aged <6 years in the United States is lead-based paint. However, nonpaint sources have been identified increasingly as the cause of lead poisoning, particularly in immigrant communities. This report describes a case of lead poisoning in a child aged 1 year that was investigated by the New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene's (NYC DOHMH) Lead Poisoning Prevention Program in 2009. The likely source of exposure was an amulet made in Cambodia with leaded beads that was worn by the child. Health-care providers and public health workers should consider traditional customs when seeking sources of lead exposure in Southeast Asian populations. Health-care providers should ask parents about their use of amulets, especially those in Southeast Asian families and those with children found to have elevated blood lead levels (BLLs). Educational efforts are needed to inform Southeast Asian immigrants that amulets can be a source of lead poisoning.

Restrictions in the use of lead in paint and gasoline have reduced the amount of environmental lead, resulting in a 98% decline in the number of children with BLLs ≥10 µg/dL from 1976 to 2004. The geometric mean BLL of children aged 1--5 years declined from 14.9 µg/dL in the late 1970s to 1.9 µg/dL in 2004 (1,2). Despite this improvement, some children remain at greater risk for lead poisoning: black children, children aged 1--5 years (especially children aged 1--2 years because of hand-to-mouth activity typical for this age group), children living in older deteriorated housing, and children living in poverty (2). In New York City, Asian children also have been noted to be at risk for lead poisoning (3).


The most common source of lead poisoning for young children is lead-based paint; however, nonpaint sources of lead are being identified increasingly in lead poisoning cases (4). Children with immigrant backgrounds might be at increased risk through exposure to lead-containing products from their family's country of origin. In New York City in 2007, among children with BLLs ≥15 µg/dL, 38% of foreign-born children did not have a lead paint hazard in the home compared with 21% of U.S.-born children (p<0.05) (3). Nonpaint lead risk factors include recent travel to a foreign country and use of imported products such as spices, food, candy, cosmetics, health remedies, ceramics or pottery, and jewelry.

Case Report

In March 2009, routine lead testing of a healthy, nonanemic boy aged 1 year who was born in the United States to Cambodian-born parents showed an elevated BLL of 10 µg/dL. Because the toddler shared a household with a cousin who had lead poisoning, he also had been tested at age 6 months, and was found to have a BLL of 1 µg/dL at that time. During the first home interview and inspection after the elevated BLL, the child's home and routine activities were evaluated by a risk assessor certified by the Environmental Protection Agency. The boy's father denied use of imported products, and no paint or nonpaint lead sources were identified. Out of 29 X-ray fluorescence (XRF) readings of painted areas obtained during the inspection, none were above U.S. Housing and Urban Development guidelines of 1 mg/cm2 of lead (5).

Three months later, the child's BLL increased to 20 µg/dL. In a telephone interview before a second home inspection, the boy's father again denied that the child wore jewelry or charms, but when questioned more closely, he said that the toddler wore an amulet or "something to protect him." The amulet, acquired by the boy's mother in a rural Cambodian market, was a knotted string onto which gray metallic beads had been molded (Figure). The father reported that the boy had worn the amulet around his neck since age 3 months and had been observed mouthing it.

The second home inspection revealed one positive XRF reading of 2.2 mg/cm2 on an interior window sill and several potential nonpaint lead sources: two imported spices, imported rice, and the amulet. All four nonpaint samples were sent to a laboratory for acid-digestion testing. The lead contents of the food items were below the limits of detection used, which were 0.94 mg/kg and 0.95 mg/kg for the spices and 0.49 mg/kg for the rice. The amulet's metal beads had a total lead content of 450,000 mg/kg (45%).

Within 8 days of the amulet being removed from the home, the child's BLL had decreased from 20 µg/dL to 14 µg/dL. Six weeks after the amulet was removed, and 2 days after the lead paint violation was reported as abated, the child's BLL was 10 µg/dL. Five months after the amulet was removed, the boy's BLL was down to 5 µg/dL. Although other factors might have contributed to the child's overall lead burden, the most likely source identified was the amulet, based on its high lead content, statements that the child had been observed mouthing it, and the rapid decrease in the child's BLL after its removal.

The toddler's cousin, aged 6 years, who was living in the same home, had lead poisoning diagnosed in September 2008. His BLL had been 17 µg/dL. Fifty-eight violations for lead had been repaired in the home, and during the next 8 months the boy had BLLs of 11--15 µg/dL. He also had worn a Cambodian amulet, and 3 months after he stopped wearing his amulet, his BLL was 7 µg/dL. The toddler's sister, aged 10 years, was tested and had a BLL of 4 µg/dL. Although she also wore an amulet, she presumably was old enough not to mouth it.

Reported by
M Mann, MD, MN Rublowska, JE Ehrlich, MD, Lead Poisoning Prevention Program, New York City Dept of Health and Mental Hygiene, New York. MS Sucosky, MPH, CM Kennedy, DrPH, Healthy Homes and Lead Poisoning Prevention Br, Div of Environmental Hazards and Health Effects, National Center for Environmental Health, CDC.

Editorial Note
Wearing amulets is common among Cambodians and other ethnic groups in Southeast Asia, including Vietnamese, Hmong, and Lao populations. Typically, infants and toddlers wear these "protection strings" around their necks, wrists, or waists (6). The amulets usually are made of black or white string with several knots, metal beads, or both. The knots and beads are believed by some to be infused with protective powers. In this case, the mother of the toddler reported that on her most recent trip to Cambodia, she had three amulets custom-made ("cooked in a pot") for the children in her family. Anecdotal information suggests that lead bullets sometimes are melted to make the beads for such amulets.

This case identified a lead risk factor not previously recognized for the Southeast Asian community. In addition, this case highlights the importance of blood lead testing in children of immigrants because of the increased risk for exposure to lead-containing foreign products. CDC recommends blood lead testing for internationally adopted and refugee children.* NYC DOHMH recommends testing all children with recent travel to foreign countries.

This case also adds to the medical literature of nonpaint lead sources as causes of lead poisoning. Some incidents of lead poisoning in children from atypical sources have been documented previously (4,7), and two cases of jewelry-associated lead poisonings in children have been reported recently. In 2004, a boy aged 4 years from Oregon had a BLL of 123 µg/dL after ingesting a necklace with a 38.8% lead content that had come from a vending machine (8). In 2006, another boy aged 4 years from Minnesota died from acute lead poisoning after ingesting a heart-shaped metallic charm containing 99.1% lead (9). These two cases led to the recall of 150 million pieces of imported metallic toy jewelry sold in vending machines and a voluntary recall of 300,000 heart-shaped charm bracelets, respectively. These cases also call attention to ingestion of jewelry as a mechanism for lead poisoning.

Educational efforts are needed to inform Southeast Asian immigrants that amulets can be sources of lead poisoning for children. Health-care providers and public health workers should ask about this custom when seeking a source of exposure in Southeast Asians with elevated BLLs. Targeted educational efforts in Southeast Asian communities also should be considered. This case also underscores the importance of being aware of different cultural practices, such as wearing amulets, and highlights the need to assess and reassess the same risk factors and rephrasing questions using different words when communicating with immigrant families.

References
1.CDC. Children's blood lead levels in the United States. Atlanta, GA: US Department of Health and Human Services, CDC; 2007. Available at http://web.archive.org/web/20080526204553/http://www.cdc.gov/nceh/lead/research/kidsBLL.htm. Accessed January 14, 2010.
2.Jones RL, Homa DM, Meyer PA, et al. Trends in blood lead levels and blood lead testing among US children aged 1 to 5 years, 1988--2004. Pediatrics 2009;123:e376--85.
3.New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Preventing lead poisoning in New York City annual report 2007. New York, NY: New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene; 2009. Available at http://www.nyc.gov/html/doh/downloads/pdf/lead/lead-2007report.pdf . Accessed January 25, 2011.
4.Gorospe EC, Gerstenberger SL. Atypical sources of childhood lead poisoning in the United States: a systematic review from 1966--2006. Clin Toxicol (Phila) 2008;46:728--37.
5.US Department of Housing and Urban Development. Lead-based paint inspections [Chapter 7]. In: HUD guidelines for the evaluation and control of lead-based paint hazards in housing. Washington, DC: US Department of Housing and Urban Development; 1995.
6.Kemp C. Cambodian refugee health care beliefs and practices. J Community Health Nurs 1985;2:41--52.
7.CDC. Childhood lead poisoning associated with tamarind candy and folk remedies---California, 1999--2000. MMWR 2002;51:684--6.
8.CDC. Lead poisoning from ingestion of a toy necklace---Oregon, 2003. MMWR 2004;53:509--11.
9.CDC. Death of a child after ingestion of a metallic charm---Minnesota, 2006. MMWR 2006;55:340--1.

---------------
What is already known on this topic?

Although the most common source of lead poisoning for young children is lead-based paint, nonpaint sources of lead are being identified increasingly in lead poisoning cases, particularly in immigrant communities.

What is added by this report?

This report describes a case of pediatric lead poisoning that likely resulted from wearing an amulet made in Cambodia with leaded beads, a newly identified lead risk factor for the Southeast Asian community.

What are the implications for public health practice?

Educational efforts are needed to inform Southeast Asian immigrants that amulets can be a potential source of lead poisoning. Health-care providers should ask parents about use of amulets, especially Southeast Asian families and those with children found to have elevated blood lead levels.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 05:13 PM PST
Thursday, 27 January 2011
Meas Sokchea
The Phnom Penh Post

Human Rights Party president Kem Sokha urged Sam Rainsy to restart talks about a merger of the two opposition parties, according to a letter obtained by The Post today.

Kem Sokha urged Sam Rainsy, president of the eponymous political party, to consider merging by July this year in a letter dated January 25.

"The HRP understands that if we want a real democratic movement merger that can save our nation, we have a lot of affairs to discuss in order to build a unified alliance that will be stronger and more successful," Kem Sokha wrote.

Kem Sokha said that a merger that lacked internal democratic reforms and merely distributed power among party loyalists would fail against the ruling Cambodian People's Party.


"The HRP understands that if we want to correct them, we must correct ourselves first," the letter said.

"If there is no risk, there is also no change."

The letter gave a timeframe for merger negotiations.

"The HRP wants to see the merger between our parties be successful before July," the letter stated.

Yim Sovann, SRP spokesman, declined to comment today, saying he had not yet seen the letter.

Phay Siphan, spokesman at the Council of Ministers, said the suggestion that a merger between the opposition groups would help "save the nation" was an insult.

"When we use this word, it is a word of attack, a word of insult," Phay Siphan said.

"We are not scared of [their merger], we are only scared of poverty."

Kem Sokha's letter is the latest in a series of related opposition unity discussions.

In November, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton reportedly urged the two parties during a meeting to form a united platform.

Kem Sokha said at the time that he supported a merger.

"The decision to form a united opposition, it is up to the Sam Rainsy Party. For me, I have always wanted to unite," he said.

Yim Sovann said following Clinton's visit that a merger could endanger existing opposition seats in parliament.

A proposal for the SRP, HRP and Norodom Ranariddh Party to merge ahead of the 2008 national elections fell through.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 05:07 PM PST



Thursday, 27 January 2011
Mom Kunthear
The Phnom Penh Post

Ghosts are frequent visitors in the dreams of Prak Vanna. Or at least they have been since she moved next to a graveyard about six years ago.

"From the first day that I moved in to my new house, I felt scared and dreamed about ghosts," she said while chopping firewood.

"But I always tell myself, don't be afraid."

Hundreds live among and around decades-old tombs, only a 20-minute drive south of Phnom Penh, across the Monivong bridge in Meanchey district's Doeum Sleng village.

At least one grave dates from the 1920s.


Houses crowd the area, leaving it hard to tell where the cemetary ends and the neighbourhood begins.

People can often be seen sleeping in hammocks between the tombs.

A few hundred Khmer, Vietnamese and Chinese graves lie amongst the dust, decorated with colourful tiles, chipped blue and faded yellow paint.

A coat of sky blue with red crosses and lettering remains bright on a pair of headstones from the 1980s.

About a dozen are scattered just off the doorstep of Prak Vanna's home.

"I'm really afraid of the ghosts and those graves. I am sickened by them, but I don't have a choice to move from here because I am poor," the 46-year-old grandmother said.

"My children would be homeless if I didn't live here."

When her daughter was married, she said guests refused to come into her house, apprehensive of the graveyard.

When she first moved in, she became sick. It took her about a year to get over her fear of the ghosts, and she even went to a local church to pray for help.

She says the tombs don't really bother her anymore.

Prak Vanna used to live along the Bassac river, but she said her house collapsed in 2005 after sand-dredging eroded the bank.

She then bought a house for about US$500 in Doeum Sleng, named after a local tree bearing orange fruit with poisonous seeds.

No rest for the dead

The dead may not like the arrangements any more than the living.

Children play near the graves and sometimes run on top of them.

In one of Prak Vanna's dreams, an old man chased after her and told her to move away.

"None of you take care of my grave," he said. "You piss and defecate on my grave. I am disgusted!"

Afterwards, Prak Vanna said she told her children not to make messes around the graves and has no longer received visits from the angry ghost.

On Chinese New Year and ahead of the Pchum Ben holiday, relatives of the dead leave gifts of food, including fruit, treats and sticky rice.

Prak Vanna said, however, that it is the living who accept and eat the offerings.

"We always receive the food and fruit that rests as a sacrificial offering to the dead every year," she said.

Another resident, Chan Pov, came to Doeum Sleng in 1995 and set up a small business selling groceries from her home.

She said she never goes near the graveyard at night, though her children play there sometimes during the day. Once, she had to get to the commune chief's office, only a 10 minute walk away. She chose to run.

"I took only about 2 or 3 minutes because there were so many graves built along the way," she said, laughing.

Chan Pov said there were few families and about 200 graves in the neighbourhood when she arrived, but relatives have been moving several of them each year, seeking more peaceful burial places.

Uncertainty for the living

The local commune chief said the state plans to move residents away from the tombs.

"We will move them from this area in the future, but we don't know the exact date yet," Yin Vuth said.

"The state has the right to move them from this place in order to maintain good order."

He does not give out land titles in the neighbourhood and no longer allows people to move in or build new homes.

"There will be more people coming to build houses there if I don't prohibit them, because they don't need to pay any money to buy land, they can just go and find a place to build a house," he said.

Yin Vuth said people were actually stealing land that belonged to the state.

After the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime, Huy Nareth moved to Doeum Sleng.

There were about 20 to 30 graves then. He estimated that close to 3,000 families now live in the neighbourhood.

The 72-year-old said the government should clear the area in the name of "development".

"My idea is that the authority, the village chief, can order the owners of the graves to move them to another place, because we should develop the area to be better," he said.

"Most people who live here cause problems in society, like drinking alcohol and fighting each other."

Yin Vuth said, however, that there are no development projects planned for the area.

Prak Vanna said she would move if the government or NGOs offered her a new home.

But for the moment, she's tried to make peace with her close proximity to the dead.

When her niece and nephew came to visit her home, they laughed at her for living in a graveyard.

"I told them, don't be afraid, sooner or later you all will die and become ghosts as well."
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 04:51 PM PST
Dear All



I just have a new site to learn,
Coz sacrava.blogspot.com was blocked in Cambodia.


Cheers,
Ung Bun Heang
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 04:47 PM PST
Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 04:23 PM PST
28 January 2011
Opinion by KI-Media

Association with KI-Media is anathema

Yesterday, an anonymous reader pointed us to an article posted in a Khmer blog discussing about Cambodian leaders ordering the installation of a sign that offended Thailand, as well as their subsequent order to remove and smash that sign following Thailand's demand.

Finding this "public" article quite interesting and since its author did not mention anything about NOT reproducing his article, we decided to reproduce it integrally on KI-Media with the proper credit given to its author. Apparently, the article was picked by a high ranking ruling party official who did not like the tone of that article at all, so the official decided to comment on it on his Facebook wall.

That comment spooked the article's author who demanded that KI-Media removed his article from our website – which we gladly complied – and he went to pledge his allegiance to the government and all institutions that be in Cambodia. While we understand the author's concerns for his own safety, what happened puzzled us immensely.

A movement to ban KI-Media from any free blogging host?

It turned out that, yesterday, KI-Media completed our mirror on Wordpress.com – a free blog host similar to the one we currently use (blogspot.com). Coincidentally, Wordpress is also the same host used by the author we described above.

It so happened also that last week, somebody in the Cambodian government ordered several ISPs in Cambodia to block all websites hosted by blogspot.com, most likely in a mistaken attempt to block KI-Media from being accessible in Cambodia. Unfortunately, blogspot is used by quite a larger number of Cambodians and its blocking caused a major public outcry. Subsequently, Cambodian government officials had to backtrack and deny that any blocking took place. An ISP executive went on to deny the blocking by his company even when his employees clearly stated otherwise to the press.

While some ISPs have lifted the blocking on blogspot, a few still refuse to do so as we speak. In view of this situation, we decided to revisit our blog on Wordpress which we have registered 4 or 5 years ago in order to make use of it as a mirror to our regular blog.

Upon learning about our mirror on Wordpress, in his message of allegiance to the government and his agreement to block KI-Media by the government, the author whom we described above even went on to suggest that all bloggers should issue a declaration to chase KI-Media out of Wordpress – for the wellbeing of these bloggers.

While we perfectly understand his concerns for his personal safety, what puzzle us are the following facts:
  1. Why this author fail to remove his article that ticked off a government official?
  2. The author believed that KI-Media posted his "integral" article for our own political gain. Now, as far as we know, we are not seeking any political seat or position in Cambodia, so how could KI-Media make any political gain?
  3. Why is this author entitled to make any criticism on the ineptitude of government officials while others, like KI-Media, are not allowed to?
  4. Why is this author supporting the suppression of freedom of expression (read Internet blocking) for others than himself?
  5. Why is he entitled to be the only one to use free blogging host?
  6. Why did he turn his outrage on government Internet blocking against KI-Media, a victim of this blocking? Isn't that tantamount to being angry with the oxen and starting to beat the innocent cart?
Lemming mentality

In fact, we would like to point out to this author that his action to support the blocking of KI-Media and his call to chase KI-Media out of the public blogging system clearly highlights the despotic and autocratic regime that currently exists in Cambodia. In true democracy, no such blocking or suppression of freedom of expression is tolerated. His declaration of allegiance to the government is akin to that of a lemming mentality as depicted in the video below, or more specifically that of blinds leading blinds. How could such mentality be construed as constructive criticism?



Sincerely and Good luck in your future endeavor!

KI-Media team
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 02:56 PM PST
Protesters have used social media sites -- when not blocked -- to organize and spread pictures of demonstrations in Egypt.
January 27, 2011
By Tim Lister and Emily Smith
CNN
STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • Facebook, Twitter and others are being used by protesters in Egypt
  • Social media have become a critical tool for arranging rendezvous
  • Efforts to block internet traffic from Egypt have met with some success
Editor's note: Also see CNN Radio's report on the role social media is playing in North Africa's unrest.

(CNN) -- As in Tunisia, the protest movement in Egypt is taking advantage of social media to communicate, inform and organize.

Despite attempts to block Twitter, Facebook and other sites (the government denies it was responsible), a Facebook page devoted to Friday's planned protests had more than 80,000 followers as of 2 p.m. ET Thursday, compared with some 20,000 the previous day.

Following Twitter comments with hashtags such as #Cairo, #jan25 and #Suez generates a huge flood of tweets. There is a breathless excitement about many entries, which are mainly in Arabic, English and French, but there are also scores of rumors, much invention and plenty of hyperbole.

Sifting the wheat from the chaff, given the extraordinary volume of traffic, is a full-time job. One typically overstated entry on a Facebook page Thursday read: "Live ammunition is being fired at protesters. ... Innocent protesters who want their basic rights are being massacred." There is as much misinformation as information.

But social media can help tip off journalists about developments in places they can't get to. For example, it's been difficult (and risky) for foreign journalists to report from the city of Suez, which appears to have seen some of the worst violence of the past few days. But a steady stream of tweets and blog entries, as well as photos and cell-phone video, has provided at least some guidance on the rapidly evolving situation there. In a country the size of Egypt, even large media organizations can't be everywhere, especially when the security forces are throwing up roadblocks.

As the protests have had (so far) little formal organization, social media have become a critical tool for arranging rendezvous. One Twitter entry, for example, called for a march at 3 p.m. Thursday in Giza, a suburb of Cairo. Another on Wednesday called people to Tahrir Square in central Cairo. Of course, there is a weakness in such methods -- because the authorities can also read them, and a plethora of such rallying calls can lead to confusion.

In any case, social media may be overtaken as an organizing tool on Friday -- by Egypt's mosques. The Muslim Brotherhood, which is influential in thousands of mosques throughout the country, has called for protests after Friday prayers. But the Brotherhood is playing catch-up with a movement it has done little to influence so far.

Social media are also a source of practical advice for those on the streets. One tweeter advised people how to wash tear gas from their faces, and warned people to avoid wearing contact lenses during the protests. "Spit, blow your nose, rinse out your mouth, gargle. Do eyewash from inside to outside with your head tilted to side," the tweet said.

The sheer scale of the online "movement" -- and the speed with which it has grown -- is breathtaking. The hashtag #jan25 began "trending worldwide" on Twitter Thursday, generating dozens of tweets and retweets every minute. When Mohamed ElBaradei arrived in Cairo late Thursday, the retweets went into overdrive, complete with plenty of advice for him.

A Facebook page dedicated to the memory of a young man allegedly beaten to death by police in Alexandria -- "We Are All Khaled Said" -- has mushroomed to more than 20,000 followers. It includes cartoons, photographs and videos, as well as messages of solidarity from across the Arab world and beyond. One entry from an Algerian read: "People of the Algeria are with you" (sic).

There have been some imaginative Facebook and blog creations, too. One activist used dramatic photos of the unrest in Cairo to create online posters for Friday's planned protests, which he titled "Walk Like an Egyptian." Others have set photos and video to music, and posted reports from international TV networks. Egyptian state media have so far offered scant coverage of the protests.

In another example of how the digital age has changed everything: dozens of high-quality photos of the demonstrations have been posted on the online photo-share site Flickr -- although that's not without risk if the authorities decide to track down protest ringleaders.

Online activists -- normally young professionals and often multilingual -- have also been quick to find ways to combat the interruption of social media sites, with links to sites offering free downloads. One message read: "Nokia users in Egypt, use Snaptu application and Twitter and Facebook will never go down."

People have also used sites known as proxy servers, which allow users to surf the web almost anonymously and offer access to banned sites by circumventing the host country's servers. A similar method was used by WikiLeaks when its website was taken off Amazon's servers in the United States.

But whoever is trying to interrupt internet traffic from Egypt is having some success. On Tuesday, a broadcasting site called Ustream had a feed showing protests in central Cairo. But the stream was gone a few hours later, replaced by a message that read: "Servers unavailable -- possibly blocked in Egypt?" And whether because of the volume of traffic or efforts to hobble social media, many in Egypt were lamenting their inability to access Facebook and Twitter on Thursday.

TE Data, an internet service provider that says it provides 70% of Egypt's internet infrastructure, tweeted on Monday that it was not being shut down. But one customer said Thursday he had called the company to complain about service disruption only to be told that the servers were "undergoing repair." There were also tweets -- unconfirmed -- about the BlackBerry messenger service, BBM, being shut down.

Anonymous, a U.S.-based group also involved with the WikiLeaks cause, has lent its support to the protest movement in Egypt. Its activists run computer programs that flood designated websites with requests until they crash. On Wednesday, Anonymous activists tried unsuccessfully to disrupt the Egyptian Ministry of Communications and Information Technology site.

But it would be misleading to suggest that until this week, social media had no role in Egypt. A few bold bloggers like Kareem Amer (recently released from prison after serving a four-year sentence for "defaming the president and spreading information disruptive to public order") have long been a thorn in the side of the Mubarak government. Amer is blogging again this week from the city of Alexandria, advising the president that it's time to leave.

Strangely enough, one of the earliest hints of the power of Twitter came from Egypt. In April 2008, an American journalist, James Karl Buck, and his translator were detained while covering an anti-government protest. Buck managed to send out a one-word tweet while being taken to the police station. It said simply "arrested." Within seconds friends and followers knew of his situation and worked to get him released. Buck was able to post from jail until -- less than 24 hours later -- he was able to tweet: "free."
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 02:36 PM PST
January 27, 2011
By MONA EL-NAGGAR and MICHAEL SLACKMAN
The New York Times

CAIRO — Political protests may be rocking Egypt with a new, nonideological force, but President Hosni Mubarak and his allies have not veered from a playbook they have followed through nearly three decades of one-party rule.

As always, the government has responded to the unrest primarily as a security issue, largely ignoring, or dismissing, the core demands of those who have taken to the street.

"My analysis is, the government will leave them until they reach a level of exhaustion," said Abdel Moneim Said, a member of the president's ruling party and the director of the nation's most important publishing house, Ahram.

The Egyptian leadership, long accustomed to an apolitical and largely apathetic public, remains convinced that Egypt is going through the sort of convulsion it has experienced — and survived — before.

The leaders see in the protest an experience similar to the events of 1977, when Anwar el-Sadat, then the president, announced plans to end subsidies of basic food items, setting off 36 hours of rioting across the country. They see a repeat of the threat the government faced from Islamic militants in the 1990s, which it violently suppressed. And so the leaders have fallen back on a familiar strategy, dispatching security forces, blaming the Islamists and defining their critics as driven by economic, not political, concerns.


"I can't think of anybody that I know that has any concern about the stability of the regime," Mr. Said added. But the Egyptian playbook is not just calling for a strategy that runs on the fumes of history. Like the protesters, Mr. Mubarak and his allies appear to have learned lessons from Tunisia's popular revolt.

The main one appears to be not to give an inch.

While Tunisia's ousted president, Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, went on television and offered his now frequently mocked concession — "I understand you" — Mr. Mubarak has remained silent, leaving it to his proxies to try to calm the unrest. That may in part be because neither side in this fight has much room to maneuver.

The opposition does not have an available political path to change, other than protest. And Mr. Mubarak has little to offer because he has systematically eviscerated civil and political institutions, creating a system that allows change to come only through his party and his allies, political analysts here said.

The Mubarak administration is blind to this weakness, however, seeing itself as strong and having the support of the majority.

"Egypt's system is not marginal or frail," the interior minister, Habib al-Adli, told a Kuwaiti newspaper. "We are a big state, with an administration with popular support. The millions will decide the future of this nation, not demonstrations, even if numbered in the thousands."

Loyalists, like Mr. Said of Ahram, remain committed to a view that sees the nation's different constituencies as divided by ideology and demands, and therefore easily picked off with relatively simple offerings like a small pay raise or a cabinet shuffle. Change, the party line goes, will come slowly, and only from the inside.

So far, there is virtually no recognition, at least publicly, that Egypt has already changed, and that even if the protests are suppressed, they have demonstrated a convergence of agendas around core demands of political change, economic improvement and an end to corruption.

At a news conference in the offices of the ruling National Democratic Party on Thursday, the general secretary and a longtime ally of President Mubarak, Safwat el-Sherif, struck a confident tone, saying that the party wanted to have a dialogue with the nation's young people, but that in his view the critics had little standing.

"We are confident of our ability to listen," Mr. Sherif said. "The N.D.P. is ready for a dialogue with the public, youth and legal parties. But democracy has its rules and process. The minority does not force its will on the majority."

The only nod to the anger in the streets was a rather vague announcement on the official MENA news service that Parliament would discuss at its Sunday session issues relevant to the poor, including subsidies and efforts to improve life in the shanty towns, where millions live without basic infrastructure. And they said they were willing to discuss ways to protect the country against swine flu.

The message was not well received.

"I hope, I hope this regime will have enough intelligence to engage in a negotiation process," said Ghada Shahbandar, a human rights advocate who participated in the first day of demonstrations. "They have to give in to the people's demands. They have to fight corruption. No. 1, they have to clean up their act."

No one seems to think that the protests have ended, with many people predicting a large turnout after the Friday Prayer services, which regularly draw millions of men out to the mosques. The government has already taken a step to heading off a tumultuous Friday, with the Ministry of Religious Affairs issuing a statement saying that the "love of homeland is part of faith."

It also continues to insist that those who protest are subject to arrest.

There seems to be little chance the two sides will reconcile anytime soon, in large part because they perceive events so differently.

Hossam Bahgat, a well-known human rights advocate who founded the Egyptian Initiative For Human Rights, has spent days not only walking the streets with the protesters but also struggling to get legal aid for those who have been arrested and swept into detention camps without charges and without a trace. He said the days of unrest had surely delivered a message to the president and his allies.

"I think the most important significant message from yesterday is that the regime's allegations that political reform is only the demand of an isolated urban elite is a myth," Mr. Bahgat said. "Clearly reform and change are demands that go beyond Cairo and beyond the middle class."

But that message does not seem to have gotten through. Mr. Said, once an independent academic and now one of the first voices the government press office turns to in order to promote the state view, conceded in an interview only that the protests demonstrated that there were problems that needed to be addressed. But the government appears to be sticking to its version of the "rope-a-dope" strategy Muhammad Ali used to defeat George Foreman in 1974. Mr. Ali spent round after round against the ropes as Mr. Foreman pounded himself into exhaustion.

And then Mr. Ali knocked him out.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 08:41 AM PST
27/01/2011
Bangkok Post

Cambodia is reported to have raised a national flag over Wat Kaew Sikha Khiri Sawara, after earlier destroying a controversial sign - sparking a new controversy over the disputed border area.

The flag was reported to have been raised after the contentious stone tablet with a message that the area belongs to Cambodia was demolished on Wednesday to great fanfare.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, when asked about this matter, said: "If this is true, the flag must be removed."

He said it was agreed by both sides not to put up any sign showing ownership in a disputed area.


However, Mr Abhisit said he did not know whether and where the Cambodian flag had really been raised.

Asked whether what happended during the past few weeks can be raised at a meeting of the World Heritage Committee, the prime minister said:

"Of course, we will have to report problems to the World Heritage Committee to let it know that if it wants to proceed with the management of an area in dispute, tension and serious conflict would follow. This would contravene the objectives of having a world heritage site."

Preah Vihear temple has been declared a world heritage site under Camboldian management by Unesco. Thailand has opposed the decision arguing that there will be problems managing it as long as the dispute over the land immediately adjoining it remains unsettled.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 08:32 AM PST
Thursday, 27 January 2011
Cheang Sokha
The Phnom Penh Post

A group of Thai Yellow Shirt activists will travel to Phnom Penh on Monday for talks with government spokesman and Minister of Information Khieu Kanharith, a day ahead of the trial of a key Yellow Shirt figure.

Activist Veera Somkwamkid and his secretary, Ratree Taiputana Taiboon, are set to stand trial at Phnom Penh Municipal Court on Tuesday in a high-profile case that has strained diplomatic ties.

"I'm not sure about the purpose of Mr Veera's representatives requesting a meeting with me," Khieu Kanharith said today.

"Maybe they want to understand the Cambodian government's stance on the issue."


The two were part of a group of seven Thais – including Panich Vikitsreth, a lawmaker from the country's ruling Democrat Party – who were arrested by Cambodian soldiers in Banteay Meanchey's O'Chrou district.

All seven were charged with illegal entry and unlawfully entering a military base.

On January 21, five of the Thais were convicted on the charges and released after their nine-month jail sentences were suspended, bringing the case one step closer to a conclusion.

Next week, Veera and his secretary will be tried on those charges, as well as an espionage charge which carries a punishment of up to 10 years in jail.

Also today, the Thailand Patriot Network, a nationalist splinter group, submitted a request to the Thai government requesting that it help extradite Veera from Cambodia.

The letter was submitted by Sunthorn Rakrong, a TPN coordinator, through Kiatfa Laohapornsawan, a vice minister attached to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva's Office, the Bangkok Post reported.

"Concerning the extradition of Mr Veera, we have to wait the court's verdict," Khieu Kanharith said.

"If the spying issue is involved the extradition will be more complicated."

Koy Kuong, spokesman for Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said Bangkok has already pledged to respect the ruling of the Cambodian court, adding that Cambodia has not yet received any request from Thailand to extradite Veera.

"We work government to government, but the request for the extradition was made in Thailand so we don't have a headache with them," Koy Kuong said.

"We cannot make any comment on what has not happened."

Yellow Shirt protesters have rallied in central Bangkok this week in a bid to push the Abhisit government to take a stronger stance in border disputes with Cambodia.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 08:27 AM PST
A supporter of the People's Alliance for Democracy, or the Yellow Shirts, waves clapping tool during the demonstration outside the government house in Bangkok, Thailand, January 26, 2011. (Photo: AP)
Daniel Schearf, VOA
Bangkok January 27, 2011

The Thai government is under increasing pressure from thousands of street protesters. Red-dressed anti-government protesters are holding monthly demonstrations to express anger at last year's bloody crackdown. And now yellow-dressed protesters have surrounded the seat of government, demanding tough action against Cambodia over a border dispute.

Thailand's Red Shirts are back on the streets of Bangkok, holding monthly demonstrations.

They want justice for the 90 people killed last May, most of them civilians, when the government ordered the military to end their occupation of a Bangkok commercial area.


Red Shirt leader Jatuporn Prompan says they also want their leaders, now facing terrorism charges, to be released.

He says they do not know when the leaders will be granted bail, so people outside must show their power through peaceful means to show that those who are behind bars do have friends. Jatuporn says everybody asks for them to be released and sees that they have not received justice.

And, as if the Red Shirts were not enough to contend with, now the government's former supporters, the Yellow Shirts, are on the streets, but not in its defense.

At least 2,000 yellow-dressed protesters surrounded the seat of government this week and say they will stay until it gets tough with Cambodia over a border dispute. These mass protests are becoming almost routine.

In 2008, the Yellow Shirts besieged this same area for weeks, and shut down Bangkok's two airports, helping to push out two governments aligned with the Red Shirts.

And thousands of Reds blockaded an upscale shopping and tourist area for about two months last year.

The nationalist Yellow Shirts want the government to revoke a memorandum of understanding with Cambodia on the border and expel Cambodians from areas Thailand claims.

"We had so many negotiations, forums, with the government. For one and two years already. Nothing happened," Parnthep Pourpongpan, spokesman for the Yellow Shirts said. "So, that's why we protest."

The Yellow Shirts want the government to stop cooperating with the United Nations cultural body over the ancient Preah Vihear temple near disputed territory.

The government rejected their demands, saying they would only lead to conflict with Cambodia.

The Yellow Shirts are setting up for a long fight, erecting stages for speeches and setting up tents for shelter.

Protester Phudit Dolpipat set up his tent on a sidewalk near the main stage. He owns a restaurant in northeast Thailand but says he will not leave Bangkok until the protesters' demands are met.

The Preah Vihear Temple belongs to Cambodia according to the World Court, but the area around Preah Vihear, he says, is Thai territory. He says they are going to lose this area so that is why he joined the rally.

Despite their shared anger at the government, there is no chance of the Yellow and Red Shirts teaming up.

Yellow Shirt protests in 2006 ended after a military coup that ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Most Yellow Shirts consider him to be corrupt and authoritarian. Mr. Thaksin lives in exile to avoid a jail sentence for corruption.

Most of the Red Shirts, however, support Mr. Thaksin. They also consider the current government is illegitimate, saying it came to power with military support after two elected governments led Mr. Thaksin's allies were removed by court orders.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 08:22 AM PST
January 27, 2011
By Somaly Mam
Trafficking Survivor and Activist
Huffington Post

It is hard reality to share. I fear that when I give a speech, participate on a panel or attend an event...I fear my words will not fully impart the enormity of the problem. While honored to be able to attend the World Economic Forum in Davos, I worried I would not be able to do the facts justice.

Currently, there are 27 million slaves around the world. Human trafficking is a multi-billion dollar human black market industry making it the second largest crime in the world. The majority of female victims are trafficked for prostitution. Poverty and lack of economic opportunities are the leading cause of slavery.

Traffickers often target impoverished, poorly educated individuals from the developing world looking for work or a safer place to call home. Once tricked with promises of safe passage, provision of work, help with visas or easy money, trafficking victims are placed in jobs with long hours, little or no pay, no health care and harsh working conditions. Many face emotional and physical abuse on a regular basis.

Those are the harsh facts. What follows is the hope.


Providing economic opportunities for women can help communities and society to thrive and break the cycle of poverty and human trafficking. Especially for survivors of human trafficking, they reinvest their income in their children's health and education.

The Somaly Mam Foundation supports 13 Victim Services programs (such as AFESIP) around the world. One of them - the Kampong Cham Center is located on the banks of the Mekong River in Cambodia. It houses girls (ages 3 to 12) who have been victims of trafficking. The goal of the shelter is to help the girls' transition to a new life, a life of physical and emotional security and gain the skills and education that will restore their lives. The shelter provides the girls with basic needs, medical care and computer literacy and vocational training as well as a full working garden and fish farm run by the girls with the goal of food self-sufficiency in 3 years.

Portions of the programs are also open to local children in an effort to prevent trafficking, but to also change the local perception of trafficked victims. Because of this - the survivors and the shelter are NOT resented for all the support and resources they are benefiting from. If the shelter does well - everyone in the village also does well with new skills, better health and opportunities for a better future. The young women survivors are seen as the source of great value instead of something to be ashamed of or a drain on the community. In the long run, this shelter will improve the job skill sets of all the children - who will grow up to become adults seeking employment or entrepreneurs seeking skilled workers. In the long run, the shelter will be "good for business."

The evil of human trafficking is a hard reality to share. So I am very grateful at the warm welcome I have received in Davos for my words. I have also experienced great hope at hearing influential people talk about economic empowerment as a great weapon against human trafficking, micro finance programs, financial literacy and new business opportunities.

It is cold in Davos today - snow is on the ground and one can slip and lose one's balance on patches of ice on the ground. But the warmness of hope - hope inspired by real economic solutions to empower trafficking survivors - fills my heart.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 08:15 AM PST
01/28/11
Originally posted at:
http://www.mujestic.com/theary_seng_case_002



A Conversation with Theary Seng regarding Victims participating as Civil Parties against the Senior Khmer Rouge Leaders

praCh:  Some high ranking UN senior officials are neophyte replacements and in some cases are smart but know nothing about Cambodia and so are spineless to stand up to their Cambodian counterparts. What can we do to get them on par with the current situation and let them know that if they cannot give 100% we do not need them there type of statement?

THEARY C. SENG ("TS"):  Unfortunately, this is the natural cycle of work with the United Nations; like embassy staff, the UN staff move from one post to another every 1-3 years.  I'd probably be a bit more generous and say most UN personnel are very smart, but you're right, they are novices and so new to the Cambodian scene, to the politics, to the entrenched history that they lack understanding of the important nuances, subtle context and history of their work. 

Generally, it is the nature of a new person to a position to defer to his/her counterpart, especially as a guest to the host country, as a matter of grace or out of uncertainty or to buy time in order to acclimate to the new situation.  But others defer out of pure cowardice ('spineless' as you correctly called it), because they do not want to think or take a principled stance; it's just easier to defer.

Our choices are limited as to how to respond besides raising public awareness and exerting public pressure so they feel the heat a bit to let them know that they can't get away with it so easily, that their cowardice has impact on public interests, on Cambodian victims and the positive legacy we are trying to establish.

praCh:  Issues of funding. Where are the funding coming from and who is "really funding" it? Is there a hidden agenda that benefit certain groups or individual?

TS:  The international community is fully financing the establishment and work of the Extraordinary Chambers (ECCC or informally, the Khmer Rouge Tribunal), including the Cambodian personnel and side of the Court.  So, even though this ECCC is "in the Courts of Cambodia", we can't deny the international nature of it, in terms of personnel and funding.  And it raises questions of the seriousness and commitment of our government in pursuing genuine justice through this ECCC when they are not contributing financially.

Japan has been and continues to be the biggest donor, by far, to this ECCC, at something like 60% of the total budget thus far.  They're impressive in that they do so without demanding much by way of stacking the ECCC with senior Japanese personnel, unlike other governments who give so much less but demand senior posts within the ECCC for their nationals. 

But the giving by the Japanese (or any other governments) is not altogether altruistic; Japan's foreign policy is to counteract China's; it will fund whatever China doesn't want; China doesn't want this ECCC.  Why?  China was the patron of the Khmer Rouge before 1975, during the genocide and all through the 1980s.


praCh:  Civil parties lawyers - the UN co-lawyer is still in Paris and may not speak English. The Khmer co-lawyer position was never really advertised and these are the only two lawyers who have the speaking rights in court on behalf of the victims? What are your thoughts in this situation?

TS:  I am deeply disturbed by the civil party process as it stands.  The involvement of victims as direct parties to the criminal proceeding had immense potential which has and is being squandered.  It has been ruined along the way, not by the "simple, ignorant" victims as feared, but by people who should know better, people who saw the opportunity for self-aggrandizement and exploited it at the expense of victims' participation.

As you know, I was the one who jump-started the process by becoming the first applicant and the first civil party to be recognized by this ECCC immediately after the arrest of Nuon Chea in September 2007, when there was not yet a Victims Support Section nor a civil party application form.  I even fought for what seemed to be the natural rights of a civil party to have a direct voice in the process, which I was successful in obtaining, but then limited only to Pre-Trial Chamber hearings, not for trials.

Fast forward to the present time of Case 002: in February 2010, the ECCC judges met to curb drastically the rights of civil parties when they saw how juvenile the civil party lawyers during the Duch Case 001 acted in fighting over the microphone during the public hearings and their lack of organization among themselves. 
Now, no civil party can speak directly in the Court, but must be represented through his/her lawyers.  And these lawyers themselves do not have the right to speak in the trial hearings, but must channel their arguments and concerns through the two "Co-Lead Lawyers", one Cambodian (Mr. ANG Pich) and the other a newly-hired French Ms. Elisabeth Simonneau Fort, who only recently arrived this late January into Cambodia for the first time. 

I met both co-lead lawyers for the first time earlier this week; I will hold my particular judgment on both of them for now, in particular as both are new to the positions.  But I hope they will learn very soon the very public and the "representative" nature of their positions.  That is to say, they will need to know not only the internal rules and legal arguments at minimum, but more importantly the public, the representative aspects of their roles, which require savvy-ness, humility and knowledge of public spokespersons in the field who could assist them.

Elisabeth Simonneau Fort, who is French, speaks English but not comfortably enough to hold a meeting in it, as she herself acknowledges.  This is problematic, in that English is more used and understood than French among the other foreign and Cambodian civil party lawyers and concerned individuals like myself who are in the business of doing outreach and representation of public interests on these matters.

I am impressed with her strong background in social advocacy on behalf of children and women; she strikes me as very nice.  But I am not sure being nice here is a desired quality; she's functioning in a shark-infested environment.  Moreover, her skills in litigation are to be seen and tested.  Both require a certain degree of toughness and shrewdness which I hope she possesses in large quantity.

Yes, I heard similar sentiments and concerns that the post of the Cambodian Co-Lead Lawyer as the public voice of civil parties in the trial hearings was not well advertised or even advertised at all, raising the concern of transparency and legitimacy of the post.  It's water under the bridge now but there's a cloud of suspicion which I hear many others expressed as well, as reflected in your question. 


praCh:  There are many more issues in addition to the larger concerns addressed by the OSJI reports. Can you highlight a few?

TS:  I love the OSJI [Open Society Justice Initiative] reports which do a great job highlighting serious concerns attached to the ECCC, such as corruption, political interference, lack of judicial independence, funding, fair trial rights and donor/international community apathy or indifference.
These reports could give greater attention to issues surrounding civil parties and the revolving-door nature of UN personnel.

For example not enough attention has been given to the prolonged lack or disrupted leadership in certain key positions:

1.     Office of Administration:

The top position of Chief Administrator formerly held by Cambodian Mr. SEAN Visoth continues to be in a state of limbo for the last two years, gingerly held by Mr. Tony KRANH as "Acting".

The UN position of Deputy Administrator formerly held by Chinese national Ms. Michelle Lee transferred to Mr. Knut Rosandhaug.

2.     Office of Co-Prosecutors:

-        UN Co-Prosecutor Robert Petit is replaced by Mr. Andrew Cayley in mid-2010.

-        Many UN and Cambodian Assistant Prosecutors have also left: Mr. Alex Bates, Mr. Anees Ahmed; Mr. TAN Senarong.

3.     Office of Co-Investigating Judges:

-        UN Co-Investigating Judge Marcel Lemonde is replaced by Dr. Siegfried Blunk.

-        Other senior UN personnel within the Office of Co-Investigating Judges who have left: Case Manager Anna Austin; David Boyle.

4.     Victims Support Section:

-        VSS Chief Cambodian Ms. KEAT Bophal (a talented, capable former human rights officer from the UNOHCHR) was forced out of her position; lengthy vacancy then filled by Dr. Helen Jarvis with much controversy.  It is now gingerly held by Mr. RONG Chhorng as "Acting".

-        VSS Deputy Chief (UN position) initially and briefly held by Gabriella Gonzales, followed a lengthy vacancy before filled by Paul Oertly for less than a year, and now vacant again.

-        Andrea Gros and Kassie Neou have left.  DED senior consultant Constance Oehlrich left.

5.        Defense Support Section:

-        DSS Chief Rupert Skilbeck replaced by Richard Rogers – two great conscientious lawyers who saw the larger picture in addition to their specific role; now both positions of Chief and Deputy Chief are vacant.

praCh:  There almost 200 detention centers all over Cambodia, but only one is being preserved – the S-21.  What do you think should be done with the others?

TS:  Unfortunately, Tuol Sleng (S-21) is the only one of the 200 prisons preserved, for the initial purpose of Vietnamese propaganda; the others have been left to the whims of time and nature.  We need to preserve as many of the authentic sites as possible from among these 200 security centers and turn them into places of memorials and learning centers—OF QUALITY, minus politics.

praCh:  You are one of the 2,000 victims that can become a witness for the Prosecutors in Case 002 in the Khmer Rouge Trial. You were detained in 2 of the 10-plus detention centers listed in the Closing Order, what else should we know about you that make you stand out from the others victims?

TS:  Well, I am one of only 3 accepted civil parties who could testify on Wat Tlork and Boeung Rai Security Centers, located in the East Zone.  I was already 7-8 years old and have very specific memory and impressions which have great legal significance for the Co-Prosecutors and the Co-Lead Civil Party Lawyers.

Moreover, I stand in 2 capacities: as an individual civil party and as a representative of the Civil Parties of Orphans Class in the courtroom.

praCh:  Everyone is a victim but to make an impact is to be within the courtroom, how can we be more involved to make a direct plea to the courtroom?

TS:  As it stands, the only way for a victim to have a direct voice in the criminal proceeding against the senior Khmer Rouge leaders, the upcoming Case 002, is to be a "witness" to testify on the issues raised in the Closing Order, or to be a Civil Party to address the impact of having lived under the Khmer Rouge regime.  In either case, there's an application process; it's not automatic.  Thus, I am now advocating that I and other members of the Orphans Class be called as witnesses to testify on the substantive matters raised in the Closing Order.

As we know, whether I speak as a lawyer or whether I speak as a victim has different resonances.  Whether a foreign lawyer speaks for a victim or whether a victim addresses the Chamber him-or herself makes a world of difference in terms of empowerment, satisfaction and the resonances to the larger public.

praCh:  French lawyer Little Khmer, little English is this a problem since most are more literate in English and Khmer?

TS:  It could be problematic as things inevitably get lost in translation.







praCh:  Who is selecting the lawyers, how is the process and why isn't there any transparency or competitions for the two lead lawyers who is represent the victims?

TS:  The position of the foreign Co-Lead Lawyer was publicly advertised.  As you had intimated earlier in your question, the concern is how the Cambodian Co-Lead Lawyer came into his position.

praCh:  I feel like some lawyers are there just for a career op, and or just want their name in history. We need a speaker who is a public voice and is not there for personal gains. We need voices adequate and know courtroom etiquettes. I know you are more than fitting but beside you who else do you think should be there?

TS:  From the beginning, I had advocated for self-organization among the civil party lawyers and their clients; but the judges unfortunately came down hard in restricting the rights and boundary of civil party participation.  So, now, like it or not, we have the Co-Lead Lawyer system whereby all the interests of the civil parties will be voiced publicly in the courtroom by these 2 individuals, in cooperation with a group of some 40 other civil party lawyers who do not have a speaking voice.  Legally, they should also factor in the Victims Associations representatives, like myself, in their plan, but as I see it, we have too few enlightened and generous spirits in the bunch; they would rather interpret the law in this new field in the most narrow way.

I have no problem with people working from a self-interested perspective, as long as it is not infringing on the quality of their legal representation.  That is to say, these lawyers can be motivated by self-interests in fighting for the interests of the victims. 

I have been very critical of the civil party lawyers, but there are a few notable exceptions who are brilliant, conscientious and effective in representing their clients (victims') interests; it doesn't matter whether they do it out of self interests or altruistic ones, as long as the clients' interests are effectively being represented at the highest quality.  I am fortunate to be represented by the charming Sam Sokong and Emmanuel Jacomy who are excellent.  Mahdev Mohan is doing great work representing his Kampuchea Krom clients; Silke Studzinsky is coming into her own in raising awareness of sexual crimes committed during the regime.  I heard that the Vietnamese-Australian woman representing the Vietnamese civil parties is also very good.

praCh:  One of the Prosecutors is rumor to be related to a Cambodian high rank official who know to be very connected and a very corrupted national court system. Meaning he/she is holding two high position as one of two lead Khmer Rouge Trial Co-Prosecutors and the General Prosecutor in the national court system at the same time. Is this a problem and why or how do you think it will affect the case?

TS:  If you are referring to Madam Chea Leang, the Cambodian Co-Prosecutor at the ECCC, then yes, I heard also that she is the niece of Deputy Prime Minister Sok An.  To her defense, she is very, very talented and qualified, trained for 6 years, I believe in East Germany.  Maybe the issue is not her qualification, but how she got to that position, the process of it all and whether she is beholden to politics in light of her political connection.  Yes, she is also the General Prosecutor at the Supreme Court in the national court system; so the concern here is time: how does she have the time to hold two full time demanding positions.

praCh:  Robert Petit step down just weeks after Duch's verdict, what did you think about his representation in Duch's trial?

TS:  I am a great fan of Robert Petit!  He was visionary in addition to being brilliant in his role as the UN Co-Prosecutor.  He could see and did work toward the larger goals of not only convictions but reconciliation and building a more positive legacy.  I believe a major reason for him being visionary and large-minded is the fact that he's married to a (beautiful) Rwandan woman.

praCh:  What did are your thoughts on Duch's verdict?

TS:  Scandalous.  Not understandable in its disproportionately light sentence to the gravity of the crimes.

praCh:  The UN is weak in resources, it compromises a lot. What can we do to help get them? Or what should they do to get more inform and updated?

TS:  The UN is a behemoth bureaucracy comprised of lifelong bureaucrats who are by nature not activists and adverse to any risks to their financial security and plum positions.  Unfortunately, it's just the nature of this overgrown beast.  We can try to reason with the individuals holding the particular positions to be more conscientious and principled, and we ourselves as you rightly noted should be more informed of matters in order to affect change vis-à-vis whatever UN constructs or institutions.

praCh:  When the courtroom closes down what will happen to all the equipment? The cars the computers, many will make claims but who deserves it most?

TS:  We don't know.  During the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC), the millions of dollars of inventory disappeared into illegitimate hands.  This is why now we are laying a prior claim to these assets; we are advocating that the physical assets and inventory of the ECCC be given to the Civil Parties as part of their reparations (assuming they win the case against senior KR leaders) for the provincial learning centers for which we, civil parties, are also advocating.
praCh:  What do you think is the right reparations for the civil parties?

TS:  We demand provincial learning centers/memorials be established in each of the provinces, preferably at an authentic site with historical significance, to be furnished by the ECCC physical assets to continue the dialogue and healing process, way after the ECCC closes operations.


praCh:  What is the different between "victim" vs. "survivor" ? 

TS:  Some people have a difficult time using the word "victim" to describe themselves but prefer instead to be known as "survivor".  I have no problem with using both words to describe myself.  There are times when it's more appropriate to use the word "victim" than "survivor.  When I describe myself as a "victim", I do not mean to connote a state of victimhood, which is not desirable nor healthy.  I use it selectively from a position of strength as a legal or political definition.  In the ECCC legal process, I am a "victim" with rights to reparation.  It's more strong and appropriate to use the word "victim" rather than "survivor" here.

praCh:  Some may say that the UN staff is too young - smart but know nothing of Cambodia, that they are there to "play" with high salary. What do you think?

TS:  I have no problem with highly qualified people being compensated well; many of the UN personnel are smart with wide-ranging experiences.  My criticism is more the nature of the UN bureaucracy and the high-and-mighty attitudes of some of these officials.

praCh:  Case 003 or 004, what happens if one or two of the current 4 die(s)?

TS:  The ECCC has completed Case 001 involving Duch.  It is about to start the trial of Case 002 involving the 4 senior Khmer Rouge leaders (Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith) later this year.  There is a push to have 2 additional cases 003 and 004 indicting 5 additional individuals, but politics has overtly blocked this possibility.

There is a real concern that in Case 002, one or more of the 4 senior KR leaders will die before the start or during the trial proceedings.  If and when this happens, it will be devastating and raise questions about the usefulness of this ECCC and whether justice has been done.

praCh:  You are one of only 3 civil parties as stated in the Closing Order who could testify on Wat Tlork Security Center and the only one to its nexus, Boeung Rai Security Center, and also as part of the Phase III East Zone Movement.  Moreover, as the person who started and shaped the victim-civil party movement since the ECCC came into operation in mid-2006, the representative of the only class (Civil Parties of Orphans Class), and the articulate public voice of victims - you make a strong and natural witness for the prosecution.  Of course, you will make a similar request via the civil party co-lead lawyers, but as you described earlier, the request is stronger through the co-prosecutors and the civil party lawyers lack adequate resources and coordination, with the newly-hired UN co-lead lawyer yet to arrive into Cambodia. What will you do or what can we do to justify this action?

TS:  I really want my "day in court".  I have such a strong legal basis to become a witness, especially on the issues of Wat Tlork and Boeung Security Centers and their location within the East Zone and during the Phase III Movement.  As you know, this ECCC is highly politicized.  If I am not in the Witness List, it will raise questions as to why not in light of the strong legal foundation.  You and others with large sphere of influence can weigh in on the matter by monitoring this process and publicly advocating and commenting on it.

praCh:  There is an important deadline coming up for the Co-Prosecutors, 15 days after the final decision on the Closing Order (hence, end of this month of Jan. 31) to submit their list of witnesses to testify on the substantive facts and laws (crimes) against the senior Khmer Rouge leaders as set out in the Case 002 Closing Order to the Trial Chamber. What can we/the people do to make sure the right person such as yourself is chosen to represent the victims?

TS:  Again, use your substantial public sphere of influence to weigh in on the matter, which would be greatly appreciated.

praCh:  It is highly questionable if the civil parties' lawyers -- both Khmer and foreign -- are able and capable to handle and represent effectively 2,000+ clients and still make the deadline of mid-February 2011. So how can we highlight certain select few who we think can best represent the victims to their attention?

TS:  The civil party Co-Lead Lawyers have insurmountable challenges ahead of them.  They will need to use all the resources at their disposal, e.g. individuals like myself who know the matter inside-out from the very beginning until now.  The question is whether they have the humility to seek assistance, or whether they will arrogantly act as "super lawyers" removed from what the victims really want.

praCh:  The Khmer lawyers are limited to less than 10 persons; the foreign lawyers are either not based in Cambodia tending to their full-time professions in their respective country or if based in Cambodia full-time, it is questionable whether they "get" it for various reasons, e.g. language barriers, lack of commitment/seriousness/experience. This can turn into a serious problem. Should we leave this for the court to decide or should the people/victims take matter into their hand and find their others?

TS:  As I mentioned earlier, in the bunch there exist good civil party lawyers.  The victims/civil parties themselves should also monitor the process and actively engage their lawyers or else their interests and issues will be greatly compromised by the workload and lack momentum of the process.

praCh:  Why are there only 2,000 clients out of 7 millions victims and not only that but only a handful will be chose to testify in court? Is the "random" lottery fair?

TS:  In light of the lack of time, the newness of the foreign Co-Lead Lawyer and the large number of civil parties who could become "witnesses", the question becomes what is the system of determining who among the 2,000+ civil parties should go on the Witness List to be forwarded to the Trial Chamber?  A suggestion that was floated around was this random lottery pick of civil parties based on the team of civil party lawyers, which is absurd.  The matter should be determined substantively, not on appeasing the fairness of civil party lawyers.  It is still unknown as to the process of determination.

praCh:  You have requested and reasons to the Co-Prosecutors to be in their list of witnesses to the Trial Chamber. I hope that other civil parties will follow your lead in proactively engaging and assisting this process with their lawyers. You not only represent yourself but the millions of victims, you give the voiceless a voice a I/we hope that the Prosecutors will make the right choice by selecting you.

TS:  Yes, I have forwarded my request to the Co-Prosecutors to be on their Witness List.  I am monitoring this process closely.  I ask that you and others like yourself who are concern about the quality of civil party participation will join me in my advocacy for the greater voices of victims to be heard in the legal proceeding.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 07:44 AM PST
Click on the article in Khmer to zoom in

Everyday.com.kh reported on 27 Jan 2011 that in the morning of 27 Jan, several hundreds of the leaflets above were distributed in Svay Por commune, Battambang province. Cops are looking for the distributors of these leaflets to arrest them.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 04:58 AM PST
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:47 AM PST
Dear Readers,

With some ISP in Cambodia still adamant about blocking KI-Media (Hint! Hint! Viettel's Metfone), we have set up another website at Wordpress. The address for this mirror is:


Thank you,

KI-Media team
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:34 AM PST
Cartoon by V. Sina
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:32 AM PST
Cartoon by V. Sina
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:28 AM PST
Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington DC Wednesday, 26 January 2011
"We believe that Cambodian politics will benefit from his continued involvement in the future," Rafael Dochao Moreno, charge d'affaires for the EU in Phnom Penh, told VOA Khmer by e-mail. "All politicians who comply with the legal requirements for being a candidate in elections should of course be allowed to participate."
The Sam Rainsy Party is preparing for the next elections, but whether or not its leader will join them remains an open question.

An EU official in Cambodia says the participation of Sam Rainsy at the head of his opposition party would be a benefit to the country's political field.


"We believe that Cambodian politics will benefit from his continued involvement in the future," Rafael Dochao Moreno, charge d'affaires for the EU in Phnom Penh, told VOA Khmer by e-mail. "All politicians who comply with the legal requirements for being a candidate in elections should of course be allowed to participate."

Sam Rainsy has been in exile for more than a year and faces up to 12 years imprisonment on criminal charges he has discounted as politically motivated. However, the convictions against him make him ineligible to participate in upcoming elections.

His party has remained a political force since the first elections in 2003, but it is unclear whether he will return for the next round of elections—for either the 2012 commune council elections or the 2013 general elections— and Prime Minister Hun Sen has said a political solution is not possible.

Some political observers have said that elections cannot be considered legitimate if Sam Rainsy cannot participate.

Chea Vannath, an independent analyst, told VOA Khmer that the Sam Rainsy Part would be at a disadvantage without its president.

"If in an electoral campaign a party takes a competitive advantage over another one, then the results can be different," she said. "Such an electoral campaign is imbalanced."

Opposition lawmakers say they are already at a disadvantage, with the ruling Cambodian People's Party with wide control of state TV and radio. The Sam Rainsy Party won 26 seats in the 2008 parliamentary elections, far behind the CPP's 90-seat victory.

Chhaya Hang, executive director of the Khmer Institute of Democracy, said political partners should be discussing means to ensure proper elections, which are coming soon.

"We want full, mutual discussions, and if an opposition leader that people also love, that people voted for, is abroad, how can he do it?" he said.

Cooperation between the political leaders will demonstrate that Cambodia "has no more conflict, has leadership politics, and will be stable toward elections in days upcoming shortly, meaning that all the parties are working together for the nation and the fate of the nation," he said.

The EU's Moreno said he believes Cambodian democracy is stable enough to deal with political differences of opinion, but said the EU's role is not to mediate in politics or the courts.

"We have, however, on numerous occasions conveyed to all political parties in Cambodia our strong conviction that an open and constructive dialogue is central to the political debate in any country," he said.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:24 AM PST
The Cambodian government denied the findings of an annual Human Rights Watch report.

Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Wednesday, 26 January 2011
"The Cambodian government tightened restrictions on fundamental freedoms in 2010, making it increasingly difficult and risky for human rights defenders, land rights activists, and trade unionists to operate," Human Rights Watch said in a statement Tuesday, citing its annual "World Report."
The Cambodian government denied the findings of an annual Human Rights Watch report on Wednesday, claiming that unfounded criticism was now under the purview of the law.

"The Cambodian government tightened restrictions on fundamental freedoms in 2010, making it increasingly difficult and risky for human rights defenders, land rights activists, and trade unionists to operate," Human Rights Watch said in a statement Tuesday, citing its annual "World Report."

In 2010, the group said, "the Cambodian government increasingly ignored or dismissed human rights concerns of United Nations agencies and international donors that have made significant contributions to the country's budget for years. Instead, Prime Minister Hun Sen rebuked UN officials, threatening to expel the UN resident coordinator and the UN human rights office director in Phnom Penh."


Government spokesman Khieu Kanharith said Wednesday the Human Rights Watch findings were "untrue."

Cambodia has a new penal code that allows for prosecution of groups like Human Rights Watch that criticize the government without evidence, he said.

"In the past, you would eat noodles for free, but now we charge you," he said.

In its statement, Human Rights Watch said Cambodia's new penal code "contains draconian and vaguely defined provisions that permit criminal prosecution for peaceful expression."
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:20 AM PST
Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Phnom Penh Wednesday, 26 January 2011

Koy Kuong, a spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called the demands unacceptable. The 2000 agreement is aimed at benefitting both countries, and it is "impossible" to remove Cambodians from areas where they "are living on their own territory," he said.

The Cambodian government on Wednesday issued a strong rebuke of the Thai "yellow shirt" protest movement, which has called for the annulment of border agreements and the ejection of Cambodians from land along the border.

Thai supporters of the People's Alliance for Democracy have been up in arms since the arrest of seven Thais in December, five of whom were found guilty of illegally entering the country on Friday and two of whom still face more serious espionage charges.


Protesters are demanding the Thai government revoke a 2000 agreement on the resolution of border issues and remove Cambodians living on disputed territory, the Bangkok Post reported.

Koy Kuong, a spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, called the demands unacceptable. The 2000 agreement is aimed at benefitting both countries, and it is "impossible" to remove Cambodians from areas where they "are living on their own territory," he said.

Phay Siphan, a spokesman for the Council of Ministers, said sustained political turmoil in Thailand will make implementation of the border agreement difficult.

"But Cambodia's obligation to keeping its sovereignty and territory has been fulfilled," he said.

Thun Saray, president of the rights group Adhoc, said the demands of the "yellow shirts" were aimed at toppling the administration of Thai Premier Abhisit Vejjajiva and that increased tension was a reason for concern.

Abhisit knows the agreement is "an important basis for continuous cooperation and negotiation on the border issue," he said.
Posted: 27 Jan 2011 12:15 AM PST
President Barack Obama addressed US Congress recently. (Photo: AP)
Men Kimseng, VOA Khmer
Washington, D.C. Monday, 17 January 2011
"The ruling party should listen to others who are not in the race because they could see more," said a caller who identified himself as Svay Rin. "They should not be mad at criticism."
The recent midterm elections in US Congress that put the Republicans in control of the House of Representatives should serve as a good model for Cambodians on how power can be shifted smoothly, the head of a leading rights group said.

Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, said that in Cambodia, that smoothness is not a trend yet.

"In Cambodia, a change of the political party in power at the National Assembly will have an impact on all politics," he said, as a guest on "Hello VOA."


The US House commenced its work on Jan.5, with Republicans holding 242 of 435 seats, a majority.

"The Republicans believe that the government is too involved in people's rights," said Te Bouy, education program director at the US National Education Association. "So they want a law or policy that does not interfere much into citizen's rights."

Employment also played a crucial role in influencing voters, he said.

"No matter where the election is so long as we promote people to be owners of their fate and the country, this is the principle of democracy," Ou Virak said.

A caller from Phnom Penh suggested that as Cambodia moves closer to the 2013 general election, politicians should learn from the US and refrain from violence by listening to constructive criticism.

"The ruling party should listen to others who are not in the race because they could see more," said a caller who identified himself as Svay Rin. "They should not be mad at criticism."

"We should also change our political culture," Ou Virak said, in agreement.
Posted: 26 Jan 2011 11:30 PM PST
January 27, 2011
The Nation

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya on Thursday branded the People's Alliance for Democracy as a cry baby for making demands deemed unreasonable on border issues with Cambodia.

"Integrity hinges on prudence and maturity; don's act like a baby and allow feelings to cloud judgement," he said.

Kasit said the government will not bow the PAD's demands for the cancellation of the 2000 memorandum of understanding with Cambodia, the withdrawal from the Unesco's World Heritage Committee and the expulsion of Cambodian citizens from Thai territory.
Posted: 26 Jan 2011 11:27 PM PST
January 27, 2011
Xinhua

The nationalistic People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) core leader Chamlong Srimuang has threatened to raid Government House if their three demands are still unmet.

"If Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva continues to ignore our demands, then the PAD will storm Government House to ask for an answer," Chamlong said while making speech on Wednesday night.

The PAD, known as "yellow-shirt" movement, has vowed to continue rallying until the government agrees to cancel the 2000 memorandum of understanding on Thai-Cambodian borders, to pull out from the UNESCO's World Heritage Convention and to drive Cambodian soldiers and people out of disputed areas.


Meanwhile, Thai Patriots Network (TPN), a splinter group of PAD, still continues their protest at the Government House for the third day, calling the government for speeding up the solution for border disputes between Thailand and Cambodia.

In addition to PAD's demands, TPN pressured the government to rapidly help Veera Somkwamkid and his secretary Ratree Pipattanapaiboon who are now detained in Cambodia for being charged of illegal entry and espionage.

About 600 police officers have been deployed to endure security and order around the rally sites.

In 2008, the yellow-shirt PAD's protracted protests culminated in the seizure of the Government House and two international airports to pressure PM Samak Sudaravej and later Somchai Wongsawat, whom they saw as nominees of the fugitive ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra, to resign consecutively.
Posted: 26 Jan 2011 11:24 PM PST
Veera Somkwamkid (Photo: Reuters)
27/01/2011
Bangkok Post

The Thai Patriots Network on Thursday submitted a letter to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva asking the government to seek the extradition of Veera Somkwamkid under the terms of the extradition treaty with Cambodia.

The letter was submitted by Sunthorn Rakrong, a TPN coordinator, through Kiatfa Laohapornsawan, a vice minister attached to the Prime Minister's Office.

The TPN wants the government to ask Cambodia to extradite Mr Veera, who faces charges in Thailand in connection with the People's Alliance for Democracy 's (PAD) seizure of Suvarnabhumi and Don Mueang airports in late 2008.

Mr Sunthorn said if the Phnom Penh Municipal Court on Feb 1 found Mr Veera guilty of espionage and sentenced him to imprisonment, he feared this could lead to violence.

He claimed to have obtained information that if Mr Veera was handed a jail term people who were dissatisfied with the verdict and a third-hand group would instigate unrest and a war between the two countries by burning the Cambodian embassy in Thailand.


Mr Veera, a TPN coordinator, and his secretary Ratree Pipatanapaiboon, have been charged with espionage in Cambodia in addition to illegal entry. The court has set Feb 1 to deliver the verdict on them.

They were among the seven Thais who were arrested by Cambodian soldiers on Dec 29 initially for illegal crossing and intrusion into a military zone without permission.

Five others have been released after nine-month jail terms handed down by the court were suspended.

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