KI Media |
- Month of LOVE
- My Rights, My Responsibility (ICCPR) Series
- "After the clashes at the border, the tide of events has twisted in the Thai favour. The [balance] of power has shifted away from Hun Sen, who now scrambles for UN Security Council intervention"
- My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series
- Abhisit: We will re-take the Preah Vihear Temple
- CMAC photo of cluster munitions found in Svay Chrum village, Preah Vihear province
- Otsuki's Newest Slow-Motion Music Video: Running In Cambodia [-People on this video must be related to Heng Soy?]
- Are Russia and India backing Cambodia’s aggression against Thailand?
- Life goes on near Preah Vihear temple
- The Transformative Influence of War
- Thai-Cambodia Fighting Slows Border Trade, Traffic
- Politiktoons No. 142: Transfering Power
- Egypt's Mubarak clings on to power
- Conflict goes international
- Thai Villagers Return Home after Cambodia Clashes
- CMC concerned about reports of cluster munition use on Cambodia-Thailand border
- UN Council to hold closed meeting on Thai-Cambodia clashes
- A fight over imaginary lines is pointless [-Tell that to the Thai army]
- In August 2010, Jesuit Refugee Service urged Thailand to sign cluster-bomb ban ... but Thailand did NOT
- Cluster Munition Coalition reports that Thailand has cluster munition stockpiles
- Task force denies Thai troops used cluster bombs [-Did these cluster bombs drop from nowhere on Cambodia?]
- Visit of Kerry KENNEDY and Launch of Robert F. Kennedy Center's "Speak Truth To Power"
- Cambodian-Thai Border Clashes Hurt Both Nations' Poor
- Thailand, Cambodia clash again at disputed border
- Cambodian Demining Center: Cluster Bombs Used in Cambodia-Thai Border Clash
| Posted: 10 Feb 2011 06:17 PM PST The hunger for love is much more difficult to remove than the hunger for bread. - Mother Teresa   | ||||
| My Rights, My Responsibility (ICCPR) Series Posted: 10 Feb 2011 06:09 PM PST International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Ratified, acceded by UN General Assembly in December 1966, entry into force March 1976. Cambodia ratified the ICCPR (thus, a part of Cambodia's body of laws) and is obligated to submit regular reports to the United Nations. PART IV 1. The members of the [Human Rights] Committee shall be elected for a term of four years. They shall be eligible for re-election if renominated. However, the terms of nine of the members elected at the first election shall expire at the end of two years; immediately after the first election, the names of these nine members shall be chosen by lot by the Chairman of the meeting referred to in article 30, paragraph 4. 2. Elections at the expiry of office shall be held in accordance with the preceding articles of this part of the present Covenant.   | ||||
| Posted: 10 Feb 2011 06:08 PM PST A diabolical plot on the Cambodian border February 11, 2011 By Thanong Khanthong The Nation It looks like a cat-and-mouse game again as Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is facing two wars ... One at the Cambodian border and the other on Rajadamnoen Road at the back of the Government House. The yellow shirts and the red shirts are now going after the Democrat-led government in earnest. The "war" against Cambodia has come to the prime minister as a big shock. He is not ready for it. But since the arrest of seven Thais in late December - for trespassing on what Cambodia says is its territory - events have been moving dangerously out of control. Initially, Abhisit was no match for his Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen, who was seen to control the game. Abhisit's hotline to Hun Sen could not effect an immediate release of the seven Thais. Kasit Piromya, the foreign minister, also failed to secure the release of the Thais, resulting in a huge diplomatic loss of face. The arrest of the seven Thais appeared to be part of a diabolical plot. Why have we arrived at this point with an armed conflict against Cambodia? From my February 7 TweetDeck: "People in the government, in the Army, in the high-level and local bureaucracies have vested interests tied up with Cambodia." "[There is] no unity in the country also." "The government lacks unity." "Our PM is weak, [he] can't handle the simmering conflict." "It was a big shock that the PM, foreign minister, and defence and national security bowed to [Hun Sen] by admitting that seven Thais had encroached into Cambodian land." "The most important questions: Where were the seven arrested? Why [were they] arrested? What must Thailand do to protect our rights and sovereignty?" "Before the arrests, a Cambodian colonel had got an order from Phnom Penh one day ahead to arrest the Thais." "Instead of sending the Thais to "It was reported that this colonel has a former wife whose family owned Cambodia's largest tapioca plant, which supplies tapioca to Thailand." "We have to understand that the disputed area is plagued with human trafficking, contraband." "The question is whether the disputed area is designed to serve business interests between some Thai and [Cambodian] leaders." "There is a special economic zone in Poipet and Aranyaprathet promoted by both [the] Thai and [Cambodian] governments. The Memorandum of Understanding BE 2543 is part of [that] package." "This economic zone [will] be linked with Cambodia's 2,500 rai investment area established at Poipet and O'Neang, opposite Ban Pa Rai in Aranyaprathet." "In effect, Cambodia is promoting a special economic zone at the border, a package that includes the land of our country." "Once foreign companies or foreign powers invest in the special economic zone at Poipet, [the] Thai military [will] be rendered obsolete at the border." "After the clashes at the border, the tide of events has twisted in the Thai favour. The [balance] of power has shifted away from Hun Sen, who now scrambles for UN Security Council intervention. He does not want to consult Asean either." "Abhisit and Kasit have rushed [to] stitch the wounds. They stick to the ground rules that any conflict with Cambodia can be settled bilaterally. It is just a mini-series of border clashes. But Hun Sen proclaims that a full-scale war is going on." "The Thai military is lurking in the wings, while the yellow shirts are staging rallies in their own fashion to topple the government. The red shirts, who also want the government out, have to join as conspirators." "[The] Scorpion[s], the German rock band, [are] coming to town. I can hear their famous song, "Winds of Change", ringing in the air."   | ||||
| My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series Posted: 10 Feb 2011 06:04 PM PST Constitution of Cambodia (Sept. 1993) CHAPTER V: ECONOMY Tax collection shall be in accordance with the law. The national budget shall be determined by law. Management of the monetary and financial system shall be defined by law.   | ||||
| Abhisit: We will re-take the Preah Vihear Temple Posted: 10 Feb 2011 04:30 PM PST In 2008, when he was the Opposition Leader of Thailand, the current Thai PM Abhisit Vejjajiva revealed his intention on the Preah Vihear Temple: "Preah Vihear was on the top of a list of six issues that opposition leader Abhisit Vejjachiva raised before the Thai parliament when it met to vote on a no-confidence motion against the government on June 26. Mr. Abhisit said that Thailand had never accepted the map that Cambodia presented to the World Court in 1962. He also said that Thailand intended to seek the return of Preah Vihear 'when the opportunity arose' ": Bertil Lintner, "Temple Furor Exposes Delicate Ties", Far Eastern Economic Review, July/August 2008, 6. (see full article below) Apparently, the Thai Prime Minister is realising his intention to re-take the Temple? Bora Touch -------------- Temple Furor Exposes Delicate Ties By Bertil Lintner A temple complex near the Thai-Cambodian border has pitted not only the two countries against each other but also Thai opposition political parties against the government of Samak Sundaravej. At the heart of the dispute is whether Thailand should accept a map that demarcates the border around the temple, which Cambodia wants to have listed as a World Heritage Site with Unesco, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Thailand has long been opposed to that and argued that the site includes not only the temple but also part of a Thai national park. Therefore, Bangkok's traditional stance was that Thailand and Cambodia should jointly administer the site. Or the border would have to be clearly defined. But on June 17, Samak's foreign ministry accepted a map presented by the Cambodian side—and the Thai opposition has clearly taken advantage of the unpopular decision, stirring up nationalist sentiments against the increasingly embattled government. It is a sensitive issue on both sides of the border. The temple, Prasat Preah Vihear in Khmer, the language of Cambodia, and Prasat Khao Phra Viharn in Thai, was built in the 11th and 12th centuries by Cambodian kings at a time when the Khmer empire was large and prosperous. But as the empire fell apart, territories were lost to neighboring countries—including Thailand, which explains the existence of Khmer temples in modern day Thai provinces. The biggest such temple, Phanom Rung in Buriram Province, is well inside Thailand and has therefore never been disputed. But Preah Vihear is located on the top of a cliff, 525 meters above the Cambodian plain, from which it is almost inaccessible. Thais argue that it is on the Thai side of the watershed, and therefore should belong to Thailand. And almost all access to the temple throughout history has been from what now is Thailand's Sisaket Province. When Cambodia was a French protectorate, French maps showed it as being on the Cambodian side. The Thais were hardly in a position to protest, but when the French left Cambodia in 1953, the Thais soon moved in and occupied it. The Thai flag flew on a post near the cliff, so it could be clearly visible from the plain below. In 1959, Cambodia severed diplomatic relations with Thailand and lodged a complaint with the World Court in The Hague. On June 15, 1962, the court ruled by nine to three that Preah Vihear belonged to Cambodia. The Thai army was prepared to go to war over the issue, but the king intervened and told them to respect the decision of the World Court. During the Cambodian civil war in the early 1970s, republican forces loyal to Lon Nol's government in Phnom Penh controlled the temple—and, given its location on the top of a cliff, it was easy to defend against the communist Khmer Rouge. Tourists were even able to visit it—but they had to enter the site from the Thai side. It did not fall into communist hands until the end of the war in 1975. After the Vietnamese invasion in 1978-79, the temple became a base for the Khmer Rouge resistance forces. Even Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot received foreign journalists there in 1979—indicating that also he had entered Cambodia from the Thai side. It was not until 1998 that the Preah Vihear once again was in the hands of Phnom Penh. It has since then been opened for tourists, who do not need a visa for Cambodia as it is almost impossible to go from there to other places in the country. For the Cambodians, Preah Vihear is part of their heritage and they fought and won in an international court to have their claims recognized. Next in importance to Angkor Wat, it is a strong symbol of Cambodian nationalism. Many Thais, on their part, have never forgiven Cambodia for winning at the World Court, and strongly believe that the temple complex should belong to Thailand. Fragile Relations Seen in a broader perspective, the row over Preah Vihear reflects the delicate nature of Thai-Cambodian relations. Many Cambodians see the Thais as bullying neighbors who do not really respect their independence. Tensions flared into riots after a Thai actress in January 2003 was reported to have said that Angkor Wat—definitely the national symbol of Cambodia—should belong to Thailand. It once did: first until 1907, when Thailand had to cede the provinces of Battambang, Siem Reap—where Angkor Wat is located—and Sisophon to France, and again when western Cambodia was occupied by the Thais during World War II. The actress' alleged remark made Phnom Penh explode in a fiery outburst of anti-Thai demonstrations. Protesters broke into the Thai Embassy, which was set on fire, and offices of Thai companies in the Cambodian capital were ransacked by angry mobs. The then Thai ambassador to Cambodia was forced to flee. It was alleged at the time that the Cambodian authorities had allowed the riots to take place in order to get popular support by playing on nationalist feelings. The fact that gangs of youths could roam around Phnom Penh seemingly freely for hours destroying Thai property in their path, lends some credence to this suggestion. In a similar but nonviolent way, the Thai opposition is now using the Preah Vihear issue to garner support for its campaign to unseat Mr. Samak's government. Preah Vihear was on the top of a list of six issues that opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva raised before the Thai parliament when it met to vote on a no-confidence motion against the government on June 26. Mr. Abhisit said that Thailand had never accepted the map that Cambodia presented to the World Court in 1962. He also said that Thailand intended to seek the return of Preah Vihear "when the opportunity arose." By endorsing a new, slightly revised map, Mr. Samak's government had given "up the rights that Thailand had always upheld," the Bangkok Post quoted Mr. Abhisit as saying on June 25. The antigovernment People's Alliance for Democracy also protested, and Thailand's Administrative Court has issued an injunction against the Foreign Ministry's support for the Cambodian proposal to list Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site. It is also clear that the Thai opposition is using the issue to hit at former prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, who is widely believed to wield significant influence over the current government. The opposition has alleged that the Thai Foreign Ministry agreed to accept the Cambodian map in order to secure business concessions for Mr. Thaksin in the neighboring country, pointing out that the foreign minister, Noppadon Pattama, was a lawyer for Mr. Thaksin before taking up his current post. Both Mr. Thaksin and the government vehemently deny this. On June 23, Cambodia closed the border crossing at Preah Vihear. But the issue is unlikely to go away; there is simply too much national pride at stake in Thailand as well as in Cambodia. This article first appeared in the Far Eastern Economic Review, July, 2008   | ||||
| CMAC photo of cluster munitions found in Svay Chrum village, Preah Vihear province Posted: 10 Feb 2011 04:14 PM PST
CMAC Mine Risk Education (MRE) teams to raise awareness of mines, ERW and Cluster Munitions for the communities in Prah Vihear Source: http://www.cmac.gov.kh/tblnews.php?id=68 Thursday, 10 February 2011 - CMAC is deploying special tasked force to Preah Vihear province to conduct risk educations of Mine/ERW in particular Cluster Munitions for residents and displaced communities in conflict areas of Cambodia. This is a quick emergency response to raise the communities' awareness of Mine/ERW risk and preventative actions to avoid accidents, noting the significant amount of people have been displaced and the confirmed evidences of Cluster Munitions used by the Thai Military on Cambodia. An immediate preventative measure is being taken by CMAC to quickly deploy Mine/UXO Risk Education (MRE) teams to begin a massive rapid campaign for the populations affected by the four day clash between Thailand and Cambodia that took place from the 4th to 7th February this year. CMAC had verified and confirmed the use of Cluster Munitions by the Thai military to bombard Cambodia. During the cross fire, there identified evidence of heavy artilleries such as 105MM, 130MM and 155MMused by Thai military, and CMAC experts have verified and confirmed that these artilleries contained Cluster Munitions including M35, M42 and M46 types. As an emergency response, CMAC is deploying a number team of multi-skilled experts Mine Risk Education to Preah Vihear to alert the communities of the risk and equip them with the knowledge to keep them from harm's way. Teams are posting announcements and leaflets to provide information to help the communities identifying mines, unexploded ordnances (UXO) and in particular Cluster munitions. Teams will also conduct sessions of training to educate the populations on the risks and appropriate course of actions to be taken when come across dangerous items. A lot of attentions have also been directed towards children as they are a high risk group, more prone to have accidents due to their limited knowledge and awareness of the issues. A number of CMAC Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) expert teams are also being installed in the area to operate in hand with the MRE teams to provide quick rapid responses to emergency requests from the communities. The EOD experts will address technical aspects dealing with mine, UXO and Cluster munitions items. Cluster Munitions are air-dropped or ground-launched weapons that dispense smaller munitions, a cluster of bomblets, a type of explosive weapon which scatters sub-munitions ("bomblets") over an area. During the attack, because of their dispersing bomblets, they strike indiscriminately, especially over populated areas. In the aftermath, unexploded cluster bomblets continue to cause harms on the populations long after the conflict has ended. H.E Heng Ratana expressed in his grave statement that: "It is a sad to see that Thai Military are using Cluster Munitions. I could not emphasize strong enough how serious the problem of Cluster Munitions can be both at time of attack and in the aftermath." "The most pressing priorities now for us at this point," he added "is to let the people in the area know of the risk of landmines/UXO and also Cluster Munitions so that they can take precautions especially as some communities had to move from one area to another to seek safety shelters from the fighting. It is worth noting that Cambodia and Thailand have not signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions which prohibits the use of cluster munitions. However, Cambodia had been addressing the issues of Cluster Munitions since the beginning of mine action in the country. CMAC is a national institution in Cambodia who had been in a forefront in this issue, working with the supports from the Cambodian Government and cooperative partners such as Handicap International_Belgium (HI-B), Japan Mine Action Service (JMAS), Norwegian People's Aid (NPA), and Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) to clear UXO and cluster munitions in the affected provinces. In the beginning of 2011, with the cooperation and supports from NPA, CMAC is implementing Explosive Remnants of War/Cluster Munitions Survey and Land Release project which aim to enable Cambodia to obtain accurate and updated baseline data of landmine and ERW/Cluster Munitions contaminations. H.E Heng Ratana, would like to take this opportunity to express high regards and gratitude for the CMAC staff and management who are taking on this task to go into conflict zone and conduct mine risk educations to the people, for the people. They are performing beyond their normal duty; however their bravery is nothing new for the CMAC mission that stays true in their hearts, working to save lives and support Cambodia for its growth and development. Area of North-west of Cambodia, along the Thai-Cambodia border, had already been identified as a heavily mined zone. The area had been long-term battle grounds between warring factions during decades of war since the 1960s. CMAC continues to work alongside the Royal Government of Cambodia to address issues and problems that the country may face. Ends.   | ||||
| Posted: 10 Feb 2011 04:01 PM PST Pinktentacle.com posted the newest video by director Sou Otsuki for the song "Luv(sic) pt.2" by Nujabes with Shing02 featuring Cambodians cavorting about in slow-motion. Both entertaining and emotionally moving, it's worth a watch and it shines a light on the lighter side of the Cambodian people that travelers are likely to encounter when visiting the country. (The video is a bit slow, so give it a minute to load.) Otsuki's last slo-mo video can be found here.   | ||||
| Are Russia and India backing Cambodia’s aggression against Thailand? Posted: 10 Feb 2011 03:53 PM PST Feb 10, 2011 By Bangkok Pundit AsianCorrespondent.com The Nation: Thailand will finally face off with Cambodia over the recent military clashes, at the United Nations Security Council next week, after earlier insisting that the border conflict be settled only at the bilateral level. BP: Now, when Kasit previously called Hun Sen a vagrant and mentally unbalanced (amongst other insults), at least he did before he became Foreign Minister. This time, what is his excuse? Now, the problem is not what he called Hun, which btw he didn't say bully boy – a more accurate translation of "เด็กเกเรตอแยอยู่ข้างบ้าน" would be naughty/misbehaving boy next door who makes a nuisance of himself – as well frankly Hun Sen and Kasit only tolerate each other as they have too, but well Russia and China are permanent members of the Security Council (permanent members have a veto).* Well-known UN reporter Matthew Lee's sources say that two Security Council Members had wanted the Security Council to convene a meeting and if you read between the lines Russia appears to be one of them so perhaps Kasit is just reflecting what he is being told by Thai diplomats in New York. Nevertheless, why say publicly that they were backing Cambodia's aggression against Thailand without providing proof of this. If Kasit had some form of evidence then that is one thing, but he is almost speaking off-the-cuff here. It is embarrassing. *Almost all other newspapers (Naew Na and ASTV Manager) say Kasit said France and not China, but France is also a permanent member.   | ||||
| Life goes on near Preah Vihear temple Posted: 10 Feb 2011 03:47 PM PST
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| The Transformative Influence of War Posted: 10 Feb 2011 03:41 PM PST
Op-Ed by MP Military exercise should not be staged anywhere approximate to this region, be it internationally or nationally held. Thai planes were known to have trespassed Cambodian air space in the past, on one occasion as deep as Pailin town. The Thais never tired of offering 'apologies' to their Cambodian counterparts for rockets fired deliberately several kilometres across the border onto Khmer territory. Even Thai civilians (not driven by poverty or economic hardship, unlike some Khmer citizens) show scant regard for Cambodian sovereignty. I would suggest that the Cambodian military takes zero-tolerance stance on such flagrant violations of Khmer airspace. There is the need to not send the wrong signal to commercial airline operators in the region, but whilst this is an understandable restraint, such caution must be balanced with the possibility of national security and Cambodian lives, military logistics etc. being compromised, as a result of not keeping Thai military excesses - disguised as 'human mistakes' - in check. I think the US could also provide the Thai military with satellite data on Cambodian troops' movements and logistics, so it would be wise to camouflage tanks, artillery pieces, rocket launchers, armoured vehicles etc. and disperse ground troops or frequently shift their locations to minimise concentrated losses. One of the greatest advantages enjoyed by the Khmer soldiers is the terrain itself. A Vietnamese commander once remarked that 'the jungle entraps the enemies, but shields our soldiers'. This is why K5, along with other wholesale deforestations that have occurred across the Cambodian terrain have been a grievous blow to Cambodia's natural defence base, which is all the more critical to a small country with numerically and financially less fighting capacity. I agree with the call for the UN to become involved with the situation at Preah Vihea through creating a demilitarised zone immediately around the Khmer temple of Preah Vihea - now a listed world heritage site. One of the reasons for having the temple inscribed as such with UNESCO is to ensure that the UN or the world community could offer their mediation or financial involvement in respect of its physical preservation and/or protection in time of war or military tension as evidenced by this current conflict. Thai politicians and army generals have been more united in deeds (bellicosity towards Cambodia) than they have been able to honour their own verbal promises with their Khmer counterparts. This should tell the world and Cambodia that Bangkok is learning to adapt to the limitations of the 21st century with all its non-aggression charters and the obligation to live by them as well as the incessant prying eyes of the mass media without abandoning Thailand's traditional bullying tactics meted out to weaker neighbours. In brief, the Thai government and military are waging a 19th century war of attrition against a weak and impoverished country in the civilised lime light of the 21st century. With her annual military spending in the region of some 3 billion US dollars compared with Cambodia's corresponding meagre budget of a few hundred million US dollars, Thailand is effectively banking on her vastly superior fire power to do all the real talking and diplomacy with Cambodia by pounding Cambodian defensive positions and morale into submission with her endless supply of artillery rockets of different sizes. If the UN is unwilling or unable to come up with the means to protect this world heritage site, then Phnom Penh should try to redraw the battle line by pushing it further away from the temple grounds even if it means occupying foreign territory so as to provide the site with a protective buffer zone. I realise this seems somewhat unrealistic and farfetched given the disparity in material means between the two sides, but this consideration should be part of a long term strategy made necessary by the inevitability of war and its logical demands on logistics and geography rather than misplaced triumphalism we have identified with one or two self-indulgent Cambodian commanders now entrusted with the task of defending this part of the country. Other countries like the US and Israel have maintained similar military priorities over another country's territorial locations such as US military base in Cuba, and the Sinai region in Egypt, respectively. This conflict serves to confirm the ineffectual nature of international settlements, specifically the ICJ ruling and the Franco-Siamese Treaties at the turn of the 20th century. For any agreement to last both parties to it must mutually uphold its terms and conditions. Both Phnom Penh and Bangkok may have their motives, other than the need to defend national sovereignty, for sending their troops to fight and die over this stretch of scrub, but a more careful introspection into all the relevant forces – historical, political or psychological alike - that conspire and confluence to trigger this conflict again and again, will likely yield a conclusion far removed from what the public on both sides have hitherto been led to believe. Whilst I prefer to leave such inevitably controversial conclusion to the reader to draw of their own accord, I do feel that on balance: 1) Thai politicians are doing more than it is necessary for them to merely respond to the call to defend Thai sovereignty; a notion the Thai PM himself has never failed to emphasise before the Thai public; 2) the Phnom Penh regime's undoubtedly poor human rights record is a quite separate realm or issue altogether, and ought not be cited in part defence and justification of Thailand's military belligerence here; 3) Khmer posterity will look back upon this Preah Vihea conflict as a blessing in disguise, fuelled in the main by Thai rulers' designs and vanities, if Cambodians today could face up to this provocation and challenge rationally and expediently by overhauling their own social/military systems through equitable distribution of economic resources needed to, and geared towards, strengthening their survival prospect as a people and entity; and, finally, 4) by the power of such reforms the unity and conviction of a people that have long been denied could once again be restored to the full, paving the way for the nation to acquire the power to arbitrate its own affairs and be the equal of its enemies, at least, if needs be.   | ||||
| Thai-Cambodia Fighting Slows Border Trade, Traffic Posted: 10 Feb 2011 03:23 PM PST Daniel Schearf, Voice of America Si Sa Ket, Thailand February 10, 2011 The Thai-Cambodia border is at an uneasy calm after recent deadly clashes near disputed territory left several people dead and scores injured. Thousands on both sides have fled the area. The fighting led to a dramatic drop in the number of tourists and traders crossing the border. At the Chong Jom market on the Thai-Cambodia border, Cambodian shopkeeper Kaew Yungurn squeezes auto polish onto a rag. He demonstrates his product for a couple journalists and onlookers on a sample piece of a car hood. As he works, Kaew says sometimes you have to apply two coats of the white liquid, which cost $6 a bottle. But now he shows how it can repair minor scratches. Unfortunately, the normally busy market that brings together Thai and Cambodian traders is almost empty and Kaew has no customers. When fighting between Thai and Cambodian troops broke out last Friday, hundreds of shops were abandoned as people fled for safety. On Wednesday, most shops remained closed. He says he wants both sides to hold talks so he can get back to business as soon as possible. At the Chong Sangum immigration checkpoint, the number of people crossing the border has dropped from 50 to fewer than 10 a day. Immigration Bureau Deputy Commissioner Pansak Kasemsant says there have been no tourists since Friday. He says the number of tourists decreased because of the unclear situation. But actually, he says, there is no fighting here. The place where the problem occurs is 90 kilometers from this checkpoint. The clashes erupted near disputed territory surrounding a 900-year-old Hindu Khmer temple known as Preah Vihear in Cambodia and Phra Viharn in Thailand. Thailand and Cambodia have soldiers stationed near the temple, leading to occasional exchanges of fire. The weekend fighting was the worst in years with both sides shooting artillery and machine guns. Several people were killed, scores injured, and thousands of villagers fled the border. In 1962, the International Court ruled the temple lies in Cambodia, but a key access point is in Thailand. A dispute over the border near the access point lay dormant for decades, until in 2008, when the United Nations granted the temple World Heritage status, at Cambodia's request. The designation angered some Thai nationalists, and there have been periodic military clashes around the area since then. Disputes over other parts of the border also have flared up. In Bangkok, a group of nationalists is holding a protest around the main government offices. They demand that Thailand abandon a memorandum of understanding it signed with Cambodia in 2000 on settling border disputes. Despite the tensions, at least one group of Thai visitors on Wednesday crossed into Cambodia. Thaveesilp Suvwattana is a history professor at Thailand's Mahasarakham University. He is taking his master's degree students to learn about Thailand and Cambodia's shared culture and history. "If you want to know about Thai history, [as] part of that you should know about Cambodia, the Khmer, I can say Khmer history, too, because they used to control our land in Thailand, you know, before. And a lot of things, ruins, things, and other things, you know, just come from Khmer culture," he said. Thaveesilp says the border dispute is about politics and nationalism with people on both sides interpreting history for their own hidden political agendas. He says Thailand and Cambodia should accept the past, move on from historical disputes, and hold talks to build a peaceful future as neighbors.   | ||||
| Politiktoons No. 142: Transfering Power Posted: 10 Feb 2011 03:19 PM PST
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| Egypt's Mubarak clings on to power Posted: 10 Feb 2011 03:15 PM PST
Egypt's Mubarak stays in post, hands powers to VP Friday, February 11, 2011 By HAMZA HENDAWI and SARAH EL DEEB Associated Press CAIRO – Egypt's Hosni Mubarak refused to step down or leave the country and instead handed his powers to his vice president Thursday, remaining president and ensuring regime control over the reform process. Stunned protesters in central Cairo who demand his ouster waved their shoes in contempt and shouted, "Leave, leave, leave." The rapidly moving events raised the question of whether a rift had opened between Mubarak and the military command. Hours earlier, the military announced it had stepped in to secure the country, and a top general announced to protesters in Tahrir Square that all their demands would soon be met, raising cries of victory that Mubarak was on his way out. Several hundred thousand protesters packed into Tahrir Square, ecstatic with expectation that Mubarak would announce his resignation in his nighttime address. Instead, they watched in shocked silence as he spoke, slapping their foreheads in anger and disbelief. Some broke into tears. After he finished, they broke out into chants for him to go. Around a 1,000 marched on the state television building several blocks away. Some in the opposition were calling on the military to intervene. Immediately after Mubarak's speech, Vice President Omar Suleiman called on the protesters to "go home" and asked Egyptians to "unite and look to the future." In his 17-minute speech on state TV, Mubarak suggested little has changed, saying he was "adamant to continue to shoulder my responsibility to protect the constitution and safeguard the interests of the people" and vowing that he would remain in the country. "I saw fit to delegate the authorities of the president to the vice president, as dictated in the constitution," said Mubarak, who looked frail but spoke in a determined, almost defiant voice. Suleiman was already leading the regime's efforts to deal with the crisis, but the announcement gives him official power with Mubarak leading at least in name. The constitution allows the president to transfer his powers if he is unable to carry out his duties "due to any temporary obstacle," but it does not mean his resignation. Mubarak insisted on the continuation of a government-dominated process for reform that Suleiman drew up and that protesters have roundly rejected, fearing it will mean only cosmetic change and not real democracy. Under that system, a panel of judges and lawyers put together by Suleiman recommends constitutional changes, while a separate panel monitors to ensure that state promises are carried out. Suleiman has also offered dialogue with the protesters and opposition over the nature of reforms. He has not explained how the negotiations fit in if the judges panel, which is led by Mubarak supporters, is recommending amendments. In any case, the protesters and opposition have resolutely refused talks until Mubarak goes. Mubarak said that the demands of protesters for democracy are just and legitimate. He said that on the recommendation of the panel, he had requested the amendment of five articles of the constitution to loosen the now restrictive conditions on who can run for president, to restore judicial supervision of elections, and to impose term limits on the presidency. He also annulled a constitutional article that gives the president the right to order a military trial for civilians accused of terrorism. He said that step would "clear the way" for eventually scrapping a hated emergency law but with a major caveat — "once security and stability are restored." The emergency law, imposed when Mubarak came to power in 1981, gives police virtually unlimited powers of arrest. After the speech, some protesters drifted out of the square, tears of disappointment and anger in their eyes. But the majority of the crowd remained, planning to camp for the night. "The speech is a provocation," said Muhammed Abdul Rahman, a 26-year-old lawyer who had joined the protesters for the first time Thursday. "This is going to bring people together more, and people will come out in greater numbers." Hazem Khalifa, a young chemist in the crowd, vowed protests would continue. "He's tried to divide people before, now the people understand him and they've learned his ways," he said. Hisham Bastawisi, a pro-reform judge, called on the military to take power. "The president has lost his legitimacy long time ago," he said. "The ball now is the army's court. The armed forces must interfere and oust him before it is too late, today before tomorrow." There was no immediate reaction from the military. Hours before Mubarak's speech, the military made moves that had all the markings of a coup — without Mubarak or Suleiman on board. The military's Supreme Council, headed by Defense Minister Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi, announced on state TV that it was in permanent session, a status that it takes only in times of war. It said it was exploring "what measures and arrangements could be made to safeguard the nation, its achievements and the ambitions of its great people." That suggested Tantawi and his generals were now in charge of the country. The statement was labeled "Communique No. 1," language that also suggests a military coup — and raised anticipation of a "Communique No. 2," though there was no sign of one after Mubarak's speech. Footage on state TV showed Tantawi chairing the council with around two dozen top stern-faced army officers seated around a table. Mubarak and Suleiman, a former army general and intelligence chief named to his post after the protests erupted Jan. 25, were not present. "All your demands will be met today," Gen. Hassan al-Roueini, military commander for the Cairo area, told thousands of protesters in central Tahrir Square. The protesters lifted al-Roueini onto their shoulders and carried him around the square, shouting, "the army, the people one hand." Some in the crowd held up their hands in V-for-victory signs, shouting "the people want the end of the regime" and "Allahu akbar," or "God is great," a victory cry used by secular and religious people alike. The dramatic developments capped 17 days of mass anti-government protests, some drawing a quarter-million people, to demand Mubarak's immediate ouster. What began as an Internet campaign swelled into the stiffest challenge ever to Mubarak's nearly 30 years of authoritarian rule, fueled by widespread frustration over the regime's lock on power, government corruption, rampant poverty and unemployment. The protests escalated in the past two days with labor strikes and revolts by state employees that added to the chaos. ___ AP correspondents Maggie Michael, Hadeel al-Shalchi, Lee Keath and Marjorie Olster.   | ||||
| Posted: 10 Feb 2011 02:33 PM PST February 11, 2011 By Supalak Ganjanakhundee The Nation Thai efforts to resolve the boundary conflict with Cambodia bilaterally have failed, with international bodies including the United Nations Security Council and Asean now involved in the matter. The skirmishes from February 4-7 killed at least eight people, including a Thai civilian, and damaged properties including the World Heritage-listed Preah Vihear Temple. Unlike in past clashes in 2008 and 2009, the UN Security Council has not been deterred from taking up the issue. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen consistently called for the UN body to convene an urgent meeting to stop "Thailand's aggression". At the same time, Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva wrote to the UN reiterating Thailand's commitment to end the dispute using a bilateral framework. Bangkok suggested the Joint Boundary Committee (JBC) should resume its work negotiating boundary demarcation by the end of this month, though the exact date has yet to be confirmed. The Cambodians are not likely in the mood to sit down and talk right now. Hun Sen's strategy to internationalise the issue appears to have worked. The Security Council has requested that its secretariat provide a brief about the situation on Monday and invited Asean chairman Marty Natalegawa, Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya and Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong to attend. "The Asean chair's attendance at the UNSC meeting represents an evolution of Asean's efforts to resolve bilateral disputes among its members as provided for by the Asean Charter," the bloc's secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan said in a statement yesterday. "This is particularly important as it will set a precedent for future Asean dispute settlement mechanisms." The Security Council wants its meeting on Monday to boost and complement regional and bilateral efforts, rather than signal that those efforts have failed in any way, according to a UNSC update report. "The [UNSC] members expressed support for the mediation efforts undertaken by the chair of Asean, the foreign minister of Indonesia, but expressed willingness to hold a Council meeting pending an assessment of the ongoing regional mediation efforts," the report said. It remains unclear what the results of the UN meeting will be. Security Council president Maria Luiza Viotti, a Brazilian ambassador, will consult with Kasit and Hor Namhong on the format of the meeting later, the report said. Hun Sen has asked the UN to send peacekeeping forces to create a buffer zone at the disputed border area adjacent to Preah Vihear, which he claims was damaged by artillery shells from Thailand. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (Unesco) has proposed sending an urgent mission to inspect the temple, but Thailand opposes the visit. "Concerning the current situation at the border, we believe the Unesco mission now is not appropriate and makes the issue more complicated," said Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman Thani Thongpakdi. If the Unesco mission really wanted to visit the site, it would need permission from the Thai authorities, since it would have to access the temple via land under the sovereignty of Thailand, he said. The Hindu temple of Preah Vihear, as ruled by the International Court of Justice in 1962, is situated on territory under sovereignty of Cambodia, though Thailand has argued that it possesses the surrounding areas. The temple has been at the core of conflict between the two neighbours since last century. In 2008, tensions rose after Unesco listed the temple as a World Heritage site in the face of Thai disagreement. Abhisit's government hoped the border skirmish would result in the suspension of the Preah Vihear World Heritage listing. Thailand's JBC chief, Asda Jayanama, will meet with the director of Unesco in Paris today to explain the Thai position on the temple.   | ||||
| Thai Villagers Return Home after Cambodia Clashes Posted: 10 Feb 2011 02:19 PM PST If you cannot see the video here, click on this link: http://english.ntdtv.com/ntdtv_en/ns_asia/2011-02-10/209813398141.html   | ||||
| CMC concerned about reports of cluster munition use on Cambodia-Thailand border Posted: 10 Feb 2011 02:17 PM PST Source: http://www.stopclustermunitions.org/news/?id=2854 (London, 10 February 2011) – The Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC) is concerned by allegations of recent use of cluster munitions in a border conflict between Cambodia and Thailand. According to media reports, government and military officials from both countries have accused the other side of using the weapons, which are banned under international law because of the unacceptable civilian harm they cause. The reports have not been independently verified, and the CMC does not know if cluster munitions have been used, but it condemns the use of cluster munitions anywhere, by any actor, for any reason. Cambodia and Thailand are not among the 108 countries that have signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions. Both participated in the "Oslo Process" to negotiate the Convention and attended its First Meeting of States Parties in neighbouring Lao PDR in November 2010. The treaty entered into force as binding international law on 1 August 2010, banning the use, production, stockpiling and transfer of cluster munitions, while requiring states to destroy stockpiles, clear contaminated land and assist victims and affected communities. Of the 108 countries that have signed the Convention since it opened for signature in December 2008, 51 countries have already ratified. Both countries possess a stockpiles of cluster munitions, but little is known about their status or composition. The Cambodian government has in the past cited an ongoing review of its defence and security situation as the reason for a delay in joining the treaty. Thailand has cited concerns over its ability to destroy its stockpile as a roadblock to joining the Convention, but it previously announced it would not use the weapons. Both countries are States Parties to the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty and Cambodia will host the treaty's 11th Meeting of States Parties in November 2011. South-East Asia is more heavily contaminated by cluster munitions than any other region after the United States dropped large numbers of cluster bombs on Cambodia, Lao PDR and Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s. The CMC calls on Cambodia and Thailand to clarify if their armed forces have used cluster munitions in the recent border conflict, and urges both countries to refrain from using cluster munitions and to prevent future civilian suffering by acceding to the Convention on Cluster Munitions without delay. For more information on cluster munition policy and practice, please see the Cluster Munition Monitor 2010 country reports: • Cambodia • Thailand   | ||||
| UN Council to hold closed meeting on Thai-Cambodia clashes Posted: 10 Feb 2011 02:09 PM PST 11 February 2011 Channel News Asia (Singapore) UNITED NATIONS: The UN Security Council will hold a closed meeting on Monday on border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia with the foreign ministers from the two nations, diplomats said. Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, Cambodia's Hor Namhong and Indonesia's Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, who has been trying to mediate in the dispute, are expected to speak to the council, diplomats said. A spokesman for the Brazilian mission, which holds the Security Council presidency for February, said Monday's meeting would be behind closed doors. Thailand and Cambodia have blamed each other for the clashes around the ancient temple of Preah Vihear, which have left at least eight dead in the past week. Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen sought an urgent Security Council meeting and called for a UN buffer force to be put in place. Thailand has said the dispute should sorted out between the two countries. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon spoke with the prime ministers of Thailand and Cambodia on Tuesday again offered new UN help to negotiate a peace deal.   | ||||
| A fight over imaginary lines is pointless [-Tell that to the Thai army] Posted: 10 Feb 2011 02:07 PM PST
Suranand Vejjajiva Bangkok Post Driving around the European Union, one can crisscross borders without even knowing, except for the few posted signs, a change in the dialect or language, or your car's GPS system alerting you to the exact location. Wars are a thing of the past - from the harsh lessons learnt through centuries of blood, tears and lives lost from the ambitions of men in conquering territory. Borders have become imaginary lines drawn on maps, but irrelevant to everyday life, especially for those living in the vicinity of those boundaries. The battle over a hilly patch of land in the remote countryside near the ancient Preah Vihear temple is rooted in a decades-old border dispute that has fuelled nationalist passions and been driven by domestic politics and conspiracy theories on both sides of the Thai-Cambodian border. True, no one can be absolutely certain that men of Europe will not again resort to wars to resolve conflicts in the future, but for the present the EU is a model of regional cooperation others can only aspire to, and reap the promises of wealth created through free movement of trade in goods and services. And as the new millennium progresses - one which predicts the rise of the Asia-Pacific region - the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations look forward to becoming the lynchpin of dynamic change by taking advantage of the economic growth of China and India, and by building a free trade bloc of their own by the year 2015. Conflicts turn into cooperation, borders open up and sea lanes are secured, making a "win-win" formula for the 21st century. So what is going on with the current border conflict between Thailand and Cambodia? Why are we arguing, with guns drawn and shots fired, over imaginary lines and centuries-old ruins? Aren't we supposed to let bygones be bygones and work together for the future of our children's prosperity? Through thick and thin since the Cold War era, with the five original Asean members who agreed upon the Bangkok Declaration in 1967, up to the present 10 members, Thailand has always been at the forefront in fostering friendship and nurturing delicate relations, balancing between the spirit of cooperation amidst competition. After the Cold War, it was Thailand that initiated the policy of turning zones of conflict into market places which has greatly fuelled this sub-region's economic growth for more than two decades. But in 2009, as Thailand assumed its turn as chair of Asean, the Thai government failed miserably to organise the Asean summit and meeting with leaders of dialogue partners. The ongoing political conflict led to a disastrous chain of command on security measures that allowed the red shirt protesters to penetrate the meeting venue. Some may blame the red shirts for not respecting protocol and preserving national interest, but the politics that interfered and clouded the better judgement of the police and military commanders in charge not only signified the illegitimacy of the government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, but at worst laid bare the weaknesses in the Thai political structure, which could open up opportunities for competing nations to take advantage of. Usually, domestic politics have been immune to Asean members meddling in each other's affairs due to the agreed principle of non-interference. But in regard to the present conflict with Cambodia, the present government has literally handed an "invitation to interfere" on a gold platter. This is because since they wrested themselves into power, the government and its supporters - the military and the People's Alliance for Democracy or the yellow shirts - have embarked upon a "one track" foreign policy of hunting down the fugitive and ousted prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra. But as a nation, Thailand does not have enough leverage to be demanding, pressuring even, that others join its cat-and-mouse game around the world. And is the government wisely using up the nation's goodwill on such a matter? Veteran Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen therefore saw an opportunity to exploit the issue and provoke Thailand to Cambodia's benefit in building its own negotiating leverage at both the bilateral and multilateral levels. He shrewdly manipulated the events leading up to the current border clashes. For Hun Sen, war is an extension of politics - to paraphrase Karl von Clausewitz. War is "a political instrument, a continuation of political relations" to gain international attention for Cambodia's plight and advance Hun Sen's cause and pleas on issues ranging from Cambodia's claim to the Preah Vihear Temple grounds, to economic interests and international recognition. Meanwhile, the Thai government's attempts to appease its own political allies, the PAD in particular, has painted itself into a corner. The bumbling trip which Panich Vikitsreth, the Democrat MP and former vice minister for foreign affairs, took across the disputed borderline under the orders of PM Abhisit, fumbled into the PAD's trap and ended up in a Cambodian jail. Furthermore, by stirring nationalist sentiment to show toughness, the government signalled the military not to tolerate the Cambodian flag or the insulting stone tablet placed at Wat Keo Sikha Kiri Savara in the disputed area. All this could have been resolved through diplomatic channels, had the leaders been on talking terms as in the past. But Mr Abhisit could not make Hun Sen take his phone calls. Please do not get me wrong, I do believe in a strong military presence in the same way as seeing police patrol even the quietest of all neighbourhoods. But force is not the primary tool of diplomacy in this day and age. A shouting match in which each calls the other a bully is also not conducive to the business of creating regional cooperation and free trade. Some may view Hun Sen as a thug but in reality he has been in power for more than two decades and continues to remain strong. Thais must live with this fact. People living along the border do not want war. They barely care about the scales of maps being debated since they live in the reality of making a living, with friends and relatives across the border. The military is not war-hungry either, as the top brass realise the consequences in body count and injury. It is the politicians who must get their act together and stop mixing mob politics and their own interests with the affairs of state in diplomacy and international relations. A fight over imaginary lines is pointless. The PAD's unreasonable demands must be totally ignored and its protest rallies dispersed in accordance with the law. We require proper leadership from the prime minister. This is not politics as usual where one can wriggle out with a few nicely placed words. Action is called for, to reposition Thailand as a mature partner in Asean and the world community. Thailand must not become the "basket case" which the government is turning us into. -------------------- Suranand Vejjajiva served in the Thaksin Shinawatra cabinet and is now a political analyst.   | ||||
| Posted: 10 Feb 2011 01:14 PM PST JRS wants Thailand to sign cluster-bomb ban Tuesday, August 3, 2010 UCA News Source: http://www.ucanews.com/2010/08/03/jrs-wants-thailand-to-sign-cluster-bomb-ban/ The Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) in Thailand is urging the government to sign the Convention on Cluster Munitions even as it celebrated the convention becoming international law on Aug. 1. More than 100 people gathered that day at Xavier Hall, the Jesuits' residence in Bangkok, to celebrate the coming into effect of the convention, which prohibits all use, stockpiling, production and transfer of cluster bombs. "At present, 107 countries have signed this convention and 38 countries have ratified it, but Thailand has not signed it yet," said JRS coordinator Sermsiri Ingavanisa. She led a JRS team in presenting a letter to Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva on July 30, calling for Thailand to sign the convention. Sermsiri explained that even though Thailand has never produced, used or transferred cluster bombs and does not suffer from their effect, the country does have some in its stockpile. Neighboring Laos is one of the worst countries affected by these munitions and JRS in Thailand works to support these victims, she said. Cluster munitions – explosive devices dropped from aircraft, delivered in rockets or shot from artillery – release small explosives over a large area. Many fail to explode on impact and remain a serious threat afterward. JRS Thailand has also been campaigning against landmines since 1990 and supporting survivors. It is a founding member of the Thailand Campaign to Ban Landmines and also a member of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines and the Cluster Munition Coalition.   | ||||
| Cluster Munition Coalition reports that Thailand has cluster munition stockpiles Posted: 10 Feb 2011 01:08 PM PST Long-Awaited Cluster Bomb Ban Enters Into Force; US Straggles Behind Saturday 31 July 2010 Esther Banales Inter Press Service Source: http://www.truth-out.org/long-awaited-cluster-bomb-ban-enters-into-force61905 ...Thailand possesses cluster munition stockpiles... United Nations - Thirty-eight countries will start observing the Convention on Cluster Munitions this Sunday, Aug. 1, after a rapid entry into force since the treaty was announced two years ago in Oslo. "This new instrument is a major advance for the global disarmament and humanitarian agendas, and will help us to counter the widespread insecurity and suffering caused by these terrible weapons, particularly among civilians and children," noted U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. Cluster munitions explode in mid-air to release dozens - sometimes hundreds - of smaller "bomblets" across large areas. Because the final location of these scattered smaller bombs is difficult to control, they can cause large numbers of civilian casualties. Bomblets that fail to explode immediately may also lay dormant, potentially acting as landmines and killing or maiming civilians long after a conflict is ended. Children are known to be particularly at risk from dud cluster munitions since they are often attracted to the shiny objects and less aware of their dangers. Since the countdown towards enforcement started in February 2010, the Cluster Munition Coalition (CMC), a civil society campaign, has been raising public awareness and encouraging countries to adhere to the "most significant disarmament and humanitarian treaty in over a decade". "Our activities more recently have been aimed at trying to get an early entry into force, getting to the 30 ratifications necessary to do this," Stephen Goose, one of the founders and co-chair of the CMC and director of the Arms Division at Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IPS. "It is quite unusual for so many countries to have already completed their ratification procedures." After Sunday, more countries are expected to join the current list of 38. "Many of the states who signed but not yet ratified are very close to ratifying it, most of them awaiting completion of their national domestic law procedures," an official with the Office for Disarmament Affaires (ODA) at the United Nations told IPS. So far, 107 countries have signed. Others remain hesitant. For example, Thailand, a leader in the adoption of the landmark Mine Ban Treaty in 1997, has not yet become a signatory. The CMC has been lobbying its Foreign Ministry to join the treaty, and called for Thailand to attend the First Meeting of States Parties from Nov. 9-12 in Laos. "Although Thailand possesses cluster munition stockpiles, this should not be a barrier to joining this important agreement," reads a recent letter sent by the CMC. "Thailand has already announced that it does not intend to use cluster munitions and its stockpiles are outdated. The Convention also contains an eight year period in which States Parties need to complete the destruction of stockpiles." IPS contacted the Mission of Thailand to the United Nations, but received no answer by press time. The letter was one of many sent to governments around the world as part of the "Countdown to Entry Into Force" campaign led by the coalition that appealed to governments in Morocco, Slovakia, and Sudan, among others. "The Convention will have a stigmatising effect even for countries that haven't joined," Conor Fortune, a media officer with the CMC, told IPS. "We've already seen that there was international public condemnation when the weapon was used in recent armed conflicts, by Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia in 2008 and by Israel in Lebanon in 2006." In the West, the United States has also been a focus of the coalition's efforts. "At the moment the [Barack] Obama Administration is engaged in a very in-depth review of their landmine policy to see if they want to join the convention," Goose explained. "The U.S. has already acknowledged that cluster munitions should be banned at some point in the future." Meanwhile, the Pentagon declared that the U.S. will restrain from using cluster munitions with a failure rate of more than one percent, which would include all but a small fraction, by the end of 2018. "[The U.S.] should not wait another eight years to stop using cluster munitions; it should ban them now," Goose declared. Prohibition of cluster munitions, however, is just a part of what the convention stands for. The treaty also requires destruction of stockpiles within eight years and clearance of contaminated land within 10 years. It also recognises the rights of individuals affected by these weapons to receive assistance and compels all countries to support states in fulfilling their obligations. "Assistance could be provided either bilaterally or through the U.N., international and regional organisations, International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and NGOs, and could take the form of financial, technical and other assistance," according to ODA. The primary responsibility to provide assistance lies, however, with state parties and applies to their jurisdiction. If one state lacks resources, other countries or organisations could provide it. "Nations that remain outside this treaty are missing out on the most significant advance in disarmament of the past decade," Goose said. "If governments care enough about humanitarian law and protecting civilians from the deadly effects of armed conflict, they will join immediately."   | ||||
| Posted: 10 Feb 2011 12:53 PM PST 11/02/2011 Wassana Nanuam Bangkok Post The Suranaree Task Force has strenuously denied an accusation that Thai troops used cluster bombs during the border clashes with Cambodia. Chinnakaj Rattanajitti, the task force's field spokesman, said yesterday the allegation that cluster bombs were used was misinformation. The Cambodian government's demining agency, Cambodia Mine Action Centre, claimed earlier this week that its staff had discovered the controversial bomblets in Cambodian territory near the Preah Vihear temple following the clashes with Thailand that began last week, leaving at least eight people dead. The Thai officer said the military strictly followed the rules of engagement and other related United Nations charters. "No such weapon is used. It is not part of military operations," Col Chinnakaj said. Cluster bombs, launched from the ground or dropped from the air, split open before impact to scatter multiple bomblets over a wide area. Such bomblets often lie dormant for years before exploding, maiming or killing civilians who happen upon them. Col Chinnakaj yesterday warned residents of violence-torn villages to be careful about chemicals from rocket fragments when they cleaned up. He said some villagers and troops suffered blisters after they came into contact with chemicals from the fragments of rockets fired from BM21 launchers by Cambodian troops. He said the Thailand Mine Action Centre had been asked to collect shrapnel from the rockets and artillery shells for examination. Meanwhile, the air force yesterday admitted that fighter jets taking part in the Cobra Gold exercise flew too close to the border during a drill. Two F16 fighters were spotted yesterday afternoon near the border in Si Sa Ket's Kantharalak district where border tensions remain high. Fighter jets should not fly within 10km of the border under the rules of engagement. Air force chief-of-staff Prajin Jantong said there was a misunderstanding about the flight plans by the participating countries. He said the fighter jets did not cross the border or enter the 4.6 square kilometre area and were alerted as soon as they neared the border. About 50 fighter jets from the US, Thailand and Singapore are taking part in the annual exercise which is based at Wing 1 in Nakhon Ratchasima.   | ||||
| Visit of Kerry KENNEDY and Launch of Robert F. Kennedy Center's "Speak Truth To Power" Posted: 10 Feb 2011 09:26 AM PST We, at CIVICUS: Center for Cambodian Civic Education, are very excited to welcome the only second KENNEDY to visit Cambodia and her high-level delegation! The first Kennedy was First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy in 1967 who was wined and dined by our King Father Norodom Sihanouk. We have extended the invitation to the Prime Minister and are in communication with the Royal Government's highest representative for human rights and also the RGC's official representative to the newly-birthed ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), H.E. Om Yentieng, to give the Keynote Address at the Human Rights Education seminar in the afternoon of February 23 at Pannasastra University auditorium. We see this as an opportune occasion for civil society and government to come together at a very high-publicity occasion and celebration of values we share in common - the education of our young people! We have also requested an audience with King NORODOM Sihamoni for this Kennedy delegation, which includes Kerry's daughter Michaela (whose father is the newly elected governor of New York Andrew Cuomo), the Italian philanthropist (oknha) Adolfo Vannucci and Australian philanthropist and founder of Global Peace Index Steve Killelea. For more information, please visit these sites:
- Theary C. Seng, founding president of CIVICUS Cambodia, Phnom Penh
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| Cambodian-Thai Border Clashes Hurt Both Nations' Poor Posted: 10 Feb 2011 09:11 AM PST
AOL News PHNOM PENH, Cambodia -- To call the fighting over the Preah Vihear temple on the Cambodian-Thai border a war is misleading. The fact remains, however, that it is a spasm of violence that no one really needs except for nationalist politicians who find it easier to sound the trumpets of war than tackle their own stubborn domestic problems. On one side is Cambodia, one of the world's poorest countries, where corruption is rife, poverty and disease are rampant, and a facade of democracy has been erected by a strongman prime minister. On the other side is Thailand, one of Southeast Asia's largest economies, a stalwart U.S. ally that has been roiled in recent years by political turmoil and growing inequality between rich and poor. In the middle is a 1,000-year-old stone Hindu and Buddhist temple perched on a remote, towering cliff, offering majestic views and intense symbolism on both sides of the border. Thousands of nearby Thai and Cambodian residents, many of whom survive by hawking goods and services to tourists, have already taken refuge in schools and temples amid the shelling, which erupted last week. The Associated Press reports that at least eight people have been killed and about 15,000 displaced by the fighting. Several dozen soldiers and civilians have been wounded, and shrapnel has reportedly scarred some of the temple's ancient walls. "This is a real war. It is not a clash," Cambodia's longtime ruler, Hun Sen, was quoted as saying in a speech Wednesday. A tense cease-fire held for a third day today, as foreign diplomats pressured both sides for restraint. Cambodia has demanded the United Nations intervene; Thailand says the issue should be settled by the two countries themselves. Built by a succession of rulers during the Khmer empire in the first half of the 11th century, the temple -- known as Khao Phra Viharn in Thai -- has seen skirmishing, rhetorical and physical, between the two sides for years, dating back to 1962 when the World Court ruled that it belonged to Cambodia. The area saw thousands of refugees forcibly pushed out of Thailand in 1979 as the murderous Khmer Rouge regime fell to invading Vietnamese forces. In 1998, the temple complex saw the last stand by Khmer Rouge fighters before they surrendered to the Cambodian government. In 2008, after the United Nations designated the temple complex a World Heritage Site, the question of who controlled about two square miles of land surrounding the temple -- and even the temple itself -- became a new rallying cry for Thai nationalists. Since then, officials in both Bangkok and Phnom Penh have regularly traded insults, claims and counterclaims about Preah Vihear, with the occasional exchange of gunfire. Ominously, this week's fighting appears to be the first time mortars and artillery have been used. This latest outbreak of violence appears to have been sparked by Thai outrage over a Cambodian court ruling that convicted two Thai activists of espionage for crossing the border in December. But the underlying causes are complicated. Hun Sen has been building up his armed forces in recent years; last year the country imported dozens of Soviet-designed tanks and armored personnel carriers from Eastern Europe and China, which has poured investment into Cambodia and presented it with hundreds of military vehicles and other equipment in June. But Hun Sen has an iron grip on his country's political system, with the beleaguered opposition all but squeezed out of government by the ruling Cambodian People's Party. Domestic politics in Thailand may also be a driving force in the dispute. The country's political scene has been unsettled for years amid struggles between the "Red Shirts" -- the mainly rural poor supporters of former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra -- and the "Yellow Shirts" -- the royalists, business elite and others who helped drive Thaksin from power in 2006. The current prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, is under increasing pressure from critics, particularly from ultranationalists who say he hasn't been assertive enough with the border regions. Some observers have even speculated that the fighting has been sparked by Thai military officers who are unhappy with Abhisit and who may be plotting to remove him. Abhisit also faces a new election this year. Sponsored Links "That (the border issue) is bubbling up again now has more to do with Thailand's internal politics than any nation-to-nation dispute per se," Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a researcher at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, wrote in a commentary published today in The Wall Street Journal Asian edition. Politics aside, what the violence means in the short-term is that the meager livelihood of thousands of poor, often landless families has been reduced still further to the shelter of humanitarian aid, government handouts and a destitute existence. "There is no good war, and there is no bad peace," the Nation, an English-language Thai newspaper, said in an editorial earlier this week. "Everyone involved must take a long hard look at the innocent faces at the border and themselves and decide what it is that they want."   | ||||
| Thailand, Cambodia clash again at disputed border Posted: 10 Feb 2011 09:06 AM PST February 10, 2011 PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) — Thailand accused Cambodia of refusing to negotiate to resolve a border dispute that led to the fourth straight day of fierce clashes Monday, as Phnom Penh said that only U.N. peacekeepers can stop the fighting near an 11th century temple. Cambodia says the crumbling stone temple — classified as a World Heritage site — has been heavily damaged during several bursts of artillery fire over four days. The extent of the damage could not be confirmed. The exchange of cross–border fire is highly unusual among members of the 10–member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and has raised tensions in a region known for its stability. Preah Vihear temple — which is in northern Cambodia, several hundred feet (meters) from the border with Thailand — has fueled nationalism in both countries for decades and conflict over it has sparked sporadic, brief battles in recent years. Repeated clashes over several days like this month's have been rare, however. A one–hour clash Monday morning stopped after both sides agreed to an unofficial cease–fire. Fighting has erupted daily since Friday, leaving at least seven dead and dozens wounded. In 1962, the World Court determined that the Preah Vihear temple belonged to Cambodia. Thai nationalists have never accepted that ruling, and land around the temple remains in dispute. In recent months, Thailand's embattled Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has come under intense criticism recently from ultra nationalist groups who claim he has shown weakness in his dealings with Cambodia and hasn't done enough to protect Thailand's sovereignty in the border dispute. The fighting at the border comes as those groups stage a prolonged protest outside Abhisit's offices in Bangkok to demand he step down over the border issue and a litany of other complaints. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen reiterated a call Monday for an urgent meeting of the U.N. Security Council, warning that the fighting poses a threat to regional stability. "We need the United Nations to send forces here and create a buffer zone to guarantee that there is no more fighting," Hun Sen said. "There is only one resolution to solve this issue: It is to ask the U.N. Security Council for an immediate intervention." U.N. diplomats heading into a regularly scheduled Security Council briefing about the Congo on Monday said the border dispute was expected to be discussed. But there was no sign that any action would be taken. U.S. State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said that Brazil in its capacity as rotating council president will submit the issue to the council — as requested by Cambodia. He said the U.S. had "not yet decided" what its position would be. Thailand, however, insisted that the best solution was for the two neighbors to talk themselves, and a military spokesman accused Cambodia of refusing to speak. "We are not closing communication channels. But we are not going to be the only one trying to establish talks," Col. Sansern Kaewkamnerd told The Associated Press (News - Alert). "If they keep firing we have to fire back. We are not going to stop at that point and try to ask to talk." Crowley said the U.S. had raised its concerns over the clash to senior officials of both Thailand and Cambodia and was urging both sides to exercise "maximum restraint" and take all necessary steps to reduce tensions and avoid further conflict. Thailand is the more economically and politically powerful of the two, so it likely hopes to avoid seeking outside opinions that could force it to lose ground. Thai government spokesman Panitan Wattanayagorn ruled out foreign involvement again Monday. Each side blames the other for instigating each day's clashes, which have shattered a series of cease–fire agreements. Cambodian officials say a Thai artillery barrage Sunday collapsed part of "a wing" at the Preah Vihear temple, but Thai officials have dismissed that account as propaganda. The extent of damage was unknown because it remained too dangerous to approach the temple, Cambodian authorities said. U.N. Secretary–General Ban Ki–moon said he was "deeply concerned" by the fighting and urged both sides "to exercise maximum restraint," his spokesman said in a statement. Built between the 9th and 11th centuries, Preah Vihear (pronounced pray–AH vih–HEER in Cambodia and prah WEE–hahn in Thailand) is dedicated to the Hindu diety Shiva. It is revered partly for having one of the most stunning locations of all the temples constructed during the Khmer empire — the most famous of which is Angkor Wat. It sits atop a 1,720–foot (525–meter) cliff in the Dangrek Mountains about 150 miles (240 kilometers) north of the Cambodian capital. At least seven people have died in the border clashes that began Friday — one civilian and one soldier from Thailand, where 25 soldiers have been wounded. Cambodia's foreign ministry said five Cambodians have been killed, including at least two soldiers, and 45 people wounded. ___ Associated Press writers Thanyarat Doksone, Todd Pitman and Jocelyn Gecker in Bangkok contributed to this report.   | ||||
| Cambodian Demining Center: Cluster Bombs Used in Cambodia-Thai Border Clash Posted: 10 Feb 2011 08:27 AM PST 2011-02-10 Xinhua Cambodian Mine Action Center ( CMAC) issued a statement Thursday saying it had verified and confirmed the use of Cluster Munitions by the Thai military to bombard Cambodia during the four-day cross fire that ended Monday. "During the cross fire, there identified evidence of heavy artilleries such as 105MM, 130MM and 155MM used by Thai military, and CMAC experts have verified and confirmed that these artilleries contained Cluster Munitions including M35, M42 and M46 types," CMAC said in the statement. As an emergency response, CMAC is deploying a number of teams of multi-skilled experts Mine Risk Education to Preah Vihear to alert the communities of the risk and equip them with the knowledge to keep them from harm's way, it said. Cambodia said, about 10,000 villagers were affected by the fighting and many of them had fled their villages. CMAC also said Thursday its teams are posting announcements and leaflets to provide information to help the communities identify mines, unexploded ordnances (UXO) and in particular Cluster munitions. Cluster Munitions are air-dropped or ground-launched explosive weapons that dispense smaller munitions, a cluster of bomblets, a type of explosive weapon which scatters sub-munitions ("bomblets") over an area. During the attack, because of their dispersing bomblets, they strike indiscriminately, especially over populated areas. In the aftermath, unexploded cluster bomblets continue to cause harms on the populations long after the conflict has ended. According to the statement, Cambodia and Thailand have not signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions which prohibits the use of cluster bombs. However, it said, Cambodia had been addressing the issues of Cluster Munitions since the beginning of mine action in the country. CMAC is a national institution in Cambodia who had been in a forefront in this issue, working with the supports from the Cambodian Government and cooperative partners such as Handicap International Belgium (HI-B), Japan Mine Action Service (JMAS), Norwegian People's Aid (NPA), and Geneva International Centre for Humanitarian Demining (GICHD) to clear UXO and cluster munitions in the affected provinces.   |
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